This is an analysis of the contributions of Richard Wagner's ideas to the development of Adolf Hitler as seen by various historians. This author has consulted the works of many different authors to attempt to find the ideological roots of Adolf Hitler. The ideology of Richard Wagner, as seen by some of the most pre-eminent historians of this period, has been applied to the ideas of Hitler to find any continuity between these two men. All historians consulted thought Wagner was, for some more, others, less, a contributor to the development of Adolf Hitler and National Socialism. This author has concluded that Wagner was a contributor, but that Hitler's personal environment was more important to the development of National Socialism. This thesis explores an area into which no one has really delved in depth. Hopefully, this thesis can be a springboard for further research into this area.

A partir de trois départements, analyse sociologique des résistants: origine géographique et sociale des résistants, situation familiale, professionnelle pendant la guerre, âge à l'engagement, dans quelle organisation, actions, victime ou non de représailles, médailles, ce qu'ils sont devenus après la guerre (profession, rôle politique ou dans une association). / With 3 departments, sociological analyse of the résistants : geographical origin and social origin of the resistants, familial situation, professional situation during the war, the age when they joigned the Resistance, their organisation, their actions, their sacrifice for the liberation or not, medals, what they became after the conflict (profession, political action, participation on an association).

This disertation is entiteled by "Spiritual and cultural life in the Terezin ghetto 1941 - 1945". The thesis is divided into four chapters. The first part persues to a short introduction of a historical context which lead to formation of the ghetto. The next chapter deals with the Terezin ghetto. There is mentioned a few curcumstances of creation of it, living conditions, which were in it and also a nazi propaganda. The third part is followed up with the spitirual life in ghetto, how it all had been practised and there is also an effort to define a meaning of the spiritual life for people in the ghetto. The last chapter deals with the cultural life, which were developed in the Terezin ghetto. There is described how the cultural life in Terezin had started and also the greatest pieces of art, which were created on a ground of the ghetto. The chosed metodology for this disertation is an analyse of documentations which are preserved after survivors and then the analyse of professional literature which were written about a topic of this thesis.

The aim of the dissertation is to analyze the political conceptions of the monthly "Kultura" in the period since its creation until 1980. The magazine, which started coming out in 1947 in Italy, was created by expatriate Poles, who after the Yalta Agreements chose to stay in the West. The editorial board soon moved to France where on the outskirts of Paris in the small town of Maisons-Laffitte the monthly journal has been edited ever since. Thanks to the original profile of the magazine and its political philosophy it has managed to group around itself numerous outstanding Polish writers and commentators, both those active in the emigré communities and those living in Poland. Also Western authors as well as writers and commentators from other countries in Central and Eastern Europe published their texts on the magazine's pages. In spite of "Kultura's" illustrious successes and unique accomplishments, earlier research on its history has not moved beyond its initial stage. In publications devoted to the phenomenon of "Kultura" we may encounter contradictory ideological qualifications and opinions on the magazine's political profile. This is a consequence of the fact that there is painful lack of source materials and dissertations analyzing the accomplishments of "Kultura" from a long term perspective. This dissertation aims to fill out this gap by analyzing a period of over thirty years in the history of the periodical. An attempt is made to divide this history into periods on the basis of ideological and political criteria. A further aim is to define the style of political thinking dominant in the materials published in the periodical and to characterize it against the background of earlier political debates in prewar Poland. The adopted diachronic perspective and the wide spectrum of analyzed phenomena provide the basis for an assessment of which conceptions and ideological elements and values were constantly present in the political platform of the editors and which made only a temporary appearance in connection with the political sympathies of the periodical or the changing circumstances on the world scene. It should be added that this is the first dissertation on the subject to cover truly comprehensive research material and to analyze the political trends in "Kultura" from a long-term perspective. The main thesis of the dissertation may be formulated as follows: "Kultura" succeeded in forging such conceptions and theories and in chosing such political options whose adequacy has found confirmation in the postwar developments both in Poland and on the international scene. This was possible, inter alia, because the magazine managed to rise above the limitations of traditional Polish ideological and political trends and worked out on its pages a new style of political thinking. "Kultura" is thus understood for the purposes of this dissertation as a periodical, a political centre and a school of political thought.

This thesis seeks to explore the Soviet territorial claims on Turkey during the period between 1939-1946. The main argument of this thesis is that the Soviet demands from Turkey during the World War II were expansionist in nature, as opposed to the view that they were defensive. The Soviet leadership formulated these demands before the German invasion of the Soviet territories when the Soviet Union did not have significant security concerns and maintained superiority during the war. This thesis is composed of six chapters. The first chapter is the introduction and the second chapter looks at the historical context of Turkish-Soviet relations. Chapter Three examines the Soviet demands for military bases and territorial concessions from Turkey immediately after the Second World War. The fourth chapter discusses planning of settling Armenians in Turkish territories. This chapter also examines the initial US response to the Soviet demands. Chapter Five analyzes the United States&#039 / adoption of a hard-line attitude towards the Soviet Union with respect to these demands and also how the US reaction led to the Soviet withdrawal of demands. The last chapter is the conclusion.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

[pt] A principal característica do sistema internacional no Pós- Segunda Guerra Mundial e no Pós-Guerra Fria, que, a meu ver, influenciou de maneira decisiva a percepção dos governos Dutra e Collor sobre o modo como deveria se orientar a política externa brasileira, foi a incontestável emergência dos EUA como liderança mundial em uma recém- formada ordem internacional. Sendo assim, o diagnóstico político da importância de se centralizar as relações com aquele país condicionou a postura externa do governo brasileiro nesses dois momentos da história diplomática do Brasil.Entretanto, se do ponto de vista da adoção de uma mesma diretriz na condução das questões internacionais, tanto um como outro presidente tiveram uma postura semelhante, é na dimensão do processo político interno de tomada de decisão que surgem diferenças significativas. A meu ver, as características organizacionais e simbólicas da agência diplomática condicionaram a forma com que a percepção da aliança aos EUA pelo Executivo foi conduzida em cada momento específico. Nesse sentido, a presente dissertação trabalhará a hipótese de que as diferenças nas condutas externas do Brasil, nos dois períodos aqui analisados, estão relacionadas, fundamentalmente, ao modo como se organizava a relação de autonomia e/ou controle entre a Presidência da República e o Itamaraty, para a tomada de decisão política. / [en] The main feature of the International System in the Post- Second World War and in the Post-Cold War, which, I believe, influenced the perception of both Dutra s and Collor s administrations about the way that the Brazilian foreign policy should have been conducted, was the incontestably appearance of the United States as a worldwide leader in a new international order. Therefore, the political diagnostic of the importance to centralize relations with that country conditioned the foreign behavior of the Brazilian government in those moments of the Brazilian diplomatic history. Nevertheless, although both presidents have adopted a similar directive on the conduction of the Brazilian foreign affairs, it is in the dimension of internal process of decision-making that striking differences have appeared. In my opinion, the organizational and symbolic features of the diplomatic agency conditioned the way the perception of the alliance with United States was conducted by the Executive in both periods. In that direction, the present dissertation supports the hypothesis that those differences in the external behavior of Brazil are related, fundamentally, to the relation of autonomy and control between the Presidency of Republic and the Itamaraty for the decision-making process.

This study examines the interaction of the Second World War with the selfhood of Kenneth Preston, a Keighley schoolmaster, using primarily the exceptionally rich content of Preston’s Diary, maintained 1941-1945. In tracing Preston’s home front experience, attention is given to the ways in which the war interacted with the individual’s own self and social conceptions, as well as ways in which subjective experiences and perceptions translated into objective realities, such as in Preston’s participation in the war effort. Illuminating the personal dimensions of the war experience enabled a broad range of meanings and “webs of significance” to emerge, allowing for examination of the interplay between the conflict and understandings of class, community, gender, citizenship, social mores, and aspects of social change during the conflict. Preston’s understandings of himself and of society are intriguing contributions to the discussion surrounding active wartime citizenship, and further historical awareness of the meanings and understandings held within the British population during the era of the Second World War. In particular, the prestige the war offered to modernistic notions of science and technical intelligence is shown to have held a central place in the war experience of this particular individual and in his perception of the rise of the welfare state. With its focus on selfhood, the study is distinguished from arguments grounded in analysis of cultural products from the era; it also contributes to understandings of the causes and implications of social change, as well as the war’s personal impact on the male civilian.

Notre thèse, qui a pu être réalisée grâce au soutien du Fonds national de la Recherche du Luxembourg et qui s’est faite dans le cadre du projet de recherche « Partizip 2 » de l’Université du Luxembourg et en cotutelle avec l’Université de Lorraine, est une analyse de la mémoire de la « Résistance » au Luxembourg, en Alsace, en Moselle et en Belgique de l’Est depuis 1944 à 2017. Il s’agit des territoires, qui, lorsque les Allemands lancent leur offensive à partir du 10 mai 1940 en Europe de l’Ouest, sont annexés (de fait) au IIIe Reich. Au cours de notre recherche, nous avons pu constater d’importantes asymétries entre ces territoires au niveau des médias mémoriels présents, comme les monuments, les musées ou les statuts juridiques en hommage aux anciens résistants. Ces asymétries mémorielles n’apparaissent pas seulement entre l’Etat luxembourgeois et les régions françaises et belges, mais également entre les régions mêmes. Si l’explication de la différence entre échelles nationales et régionales est pertinente lorsque nous comparons le Luxembourg et les régions françaises et belges, elle ne permet pourtant pas de comprendre les variations mémorielles entre ces régions. Quelles sont donc les raisons de ces asymétries mémorielles ? Ou autrement formulé : quels facteurs favorisent l’intensification de la mémoire de la « Résistance » ? Afin de déterminer ces facteurs, nous avons choisi d’effectuer une histoire comparée des associations d’anciens résistants du Luxembourg, de l’Alsace, de la Moselle et de la Belgique de l’Est, qui sont des acteurs de mémoire décisifs puisque souvent à l’origine des médias mémoriels évoqués / The present thesis, which has been accomplished with the support of the Fonds national de la Recherche du Luxembourg and within the research project “Partizip 2” at the University of Luxembourg (partizip.uni.lu) as well as in a cotutelle with the University of Lorraine, is an analysis of the memory of “Resistance” in Luxembourg, Alsace, Moselle and East Belgium. from 1944 to 2017. These territories were (de facto) incorporated within the Third Reich after the German invasion of Western Europe on the 10th of May of 1940. During the research, various asymmetries between these territories at the level of memory medias such as monuments, museums or legal statuses as a tribute to former resistance members were noticed. However, these memory asymmetries do not only appear between the state of Luxembourg and the French and Belgian regions, but also between the regions themselves. Thus the difference between the national and regional levels seems to be an accurate explanation if we compare the Grand-Duchy with the French and Belgian regions, but it does not allow us to understand the memory variations between these regions. Which are then the reasons that causes these memory asymmetries? Or in other words: which factors do contribute to the intensification of the memory of “Resistance”? In order to determine these factors, a comparative study of associations of former resistance members in Luxembourg, Alsace, Moselle and Est Belgium was undertaken, as they are crucial memory actors who often initiate the memory medias mentioned above.

The branch Logistics is often given lower priority during field exercises when combat units are supposed to be trained. In wars, conflicts and operations do the interest increase remarkably of being delivered ammunition, fuel and food. Without logistical support it is hard to advance on the scene, but is it even so hard that the lack of logistics can generate the own culmination? The purpose with this Bachelor’s thesis is to show the logistics importance during the planning and transaction phases for an operation. On June 6 1944, the Allied forces invaded Normandy, in order to defeat Hitler’s imperium and reach the end of the Second World War. The operation was called Overlord, and was both in the number of men and combat power, as well as, in a logistical manner an enormous achievement. In consideration of answering the research questions, the author has by literature studies analyzed operation Overlord and its impact on the culmination of the Second World War. Research questions: How does logistics affect the culminating point in warfare? What logistical maneuvers during Operation Overlord can be referred to reasons for the Second World War’s culmination point? The results manifests how the logistical maneuvers, like Mulberry Harbour, Red ball Express and PLUTO, caused a possibility to advance through Normandy, France and thereafter against Germany. Although that, it is hard to automatically say that innovations like these are the absolute reason for the culminating point. By using the factors in Mårtensson’s model, that is increasing or decreasing the speed towards the culmination, the analysis shows that logistics has a huge impact on the outcome.