Nesta tese, utilizamos técnicas de química quântica para o estudo de sistemas contendo átomos de silício e nitrogênio. Nesse contexto, o trabalho aqui apresentado procurou concentrar-se em três tópicos principais: aglomerados de silício e nitrogênio, a superfície Si(100) e a interação de um átomo de nitrogênio com essa superfície. Estudamos inicialmente os aglomerados de fórmula SiNN e Si3N2, onde procuramos caracterizar de forma rigorosa a estabilidade e a natureza das ligações químicas das várias espécies. Com relação ao sistema SiNN, os resultados utilizando cálculos de alto nível mostraram a necessidade de novos dados experimentais para a caracterização inequívoca dessa espécie. Além disso, obtivemos os primeiros resultados para as propriedades de quatro novas estruturas. Estudamos a estrutura de várias espécies com fórmula Si3N2, e obtivemos como mínimo global uma estrutura planar contendo apenas ligações Si-N. Para a simulação da superfície Si(100) utilizamos os aglomerados de fórmula Si9H12 e Si15H16. Apenas a metodologia do Funcional da Densidade indicou a existência de uma estrutura distorcida para o Si9H12. Os cálculos CASSCF mostraram a necessidade do uso de funções multideterminantais. Com relação ao aglomerado Si15H16, obteve-se uma estrutura distorcida com os dímeros alternados como a forma mais estável. Entretanto, o uso do CASSCF mostrou ser a forma simétrica a mais estável. Com base no estudo dos aglomerados Si9H12 e Si15H16, partimos para a investigação dos mecanismos envolvidos no processo de interação e incorporação de átomos de nitrogênio na superfície de silício. Estruturas com simetria de spin quarteto e dupleto foram estudadas, sendo os mecanismos bastante semelhantes, com o nitrogênio interagindo inicialmente com um dos silícios dímeros para em seguida poder formar duas outras estruturas, uma com o nitrogênio ligado aos dois silícios dímeros e outra com o nitrogênio inserido no interior do aglomerado. Esta última estrutura corresponde à forma mais estável. Os resultados mostram claramente que a reação é bastante favorável do ponto de vista energético. Questionamos também o uso de vínculos durante a otimização das estruturas por impedir um devido relaxamento apropriado dos átomos de silício da primeira e segunda camadas. / In this thesis, quantum chemical techniques were used to study molecular systems containing silicon and nitrogen atoms. ln this context, the work was concentrated on three main topics: silicon-nitrogen clusters, the Si(100) surface, and the interaction of a nitrogen atom with that surface. We studied initially the clusters SiNN and Si3N2, where we tried to characterize with rigour the stability and the nature of the chemical bonds of the various species. Concerning the system SiNN, using high level calculation, the results showed the necessity of new experimental data for the unequivocal characterization of this species. Moreover, the properties of four new structures were described for the first time in this study. The structures of various species with formula Si3N2 were studied, and the global minimum corresponds to a planar structure containing only Si-N bonds. For the simulation of Si(100) surface, the clusters Si9H12 and Si15H16 were used. Density Functional Theory predicted the existence of an asymmetric geometry for the Si9H12 cluster. The CASSCF calculations showed the necessity of using multideterminantal wave functions. Concerning the Si15H16 cluster, the most stable structure corresponds to a distorted one with alternated dimers. However, the CASSCF methodology showed that the symmetric structure is the most stable. Based on the results for the Si9H12 and Si15H16 clusters, we started to investigate the mechanism involved in the interaction and incorporation of a nitrogen atom into the silicon surface. Structures with quartet and doublet spin symmetry were studied, being their mechanisms very similar, with the nitrogen atom interacting initially with one silicon dimer; after that two other structures can be formed, one with the nitrogen bonded to two silicon dimers, and the other with the nitrogen bonded to one silicon dimer and two internal silicons. This last structure corresponds to the most stable species. The results show clearly that the reaction is very favorable energetically. The use of geometrical constraints during the optimization was questioned since it prevents the proper relaxation of the silicon atoms in the first and second layers.

voluant au sein d’un contexte global de crise de la représentativité démocratique, les partis politiques sont plus que jamais remis en question quant à leur légitimité. Ils font face à de nombreux défis, notamment vis-à-vis l’émergence sans cesse grandissante de nouveaux mouvements sociaux et divers partis extrémistes, qui témoignent de ce phénomène. Certains parmi eux arrivent à brouiller les cartes théoriques, soit les partis dits «antisystèmes». Néanmoins, afin d’aspirer à gouverner et de ne pas s’aliéner de potentiels électeurs, des partis autrefois marginaux peuvent décider de participer aux institutions en modifiant leurs agendas et stratégies. Par conséquent, pourquoi et comment des partis à la fois nationalistes et antisystèmes optent pour la voie de l’intégration institutionnelle, alors qu’ils ont initialement pour objectif d’exercer une forme radicale d’opposition envers les autres acteurs et le système politique dans son ensemble? Ce mémoire explore dans une perspective comparative les raisons derrière ce processus d’intégration en étudiant les cas du Parti québécois au Québec, du Scottish National Party en Écosse et du Sinn Féin en Irlande du Nord. Les données utilisées sont théoriques et empiriques, relevant de l’analyse de leur historique grâce à la création de lignes du temps exhaustives ainsi que de leurs plateformes électorales par le biais d’un indice original, l’Indice antisystème pour les plateformes. Ceci permet d’évaluer également leur caractère antisystème, tout en considérant leur contexte sociopolitique respectif. / Evolving within a global context of democratic representation crisis, the legitimacy of political parties is more than ever questioned. They face many challenges, especially in regard to the ever-increasing emergence of new social movements and various extremist parties. Some of them manage to blur the theoretical maps, the "antisystem" parties. Nevertheless, in order to aspire to govern and not alienate potential voters, formerly marginal parties may decide to participate to the institutions by changing their agendas and strategies. Therefore, why and how antisystem nationalist parties opt for the institutional integration path, while initially exercising a radical form of opposition to other actors and the political system as a whole? This thesis explores in a comparative perspective the reasons behind this process of integration by studying the cases of Parti Québecois in Québec, Scottish National Party in Scotland and Sinn Féin in Northern Ireland. The data used is theoretical and empirical, based on the analysis of their history through the creation of exhaustive timelines and their electoral platforms via an original index, the Antisystem Index for Party Platforms. This also makes it possible to evaluate their antisystemness, while considering their respective socio-political context.

This thesis examines the development of Sinn Féin's communication strategies and considers how news coverage of the party has evolved in recent years, and in particular with the advent of the Irish peace process from the mid-1990s onwards. The aim of the research presented here is to establish the relationship between the development of the party's professional communication apparatus and the evolution of its news coverage and to determine the extent to which the emergence of a sophisticated approach to communication has impacted upon media coverage. The thesis argues that the development and implementation of the party's professional communication apparatus has been the result of a much wider process of republican reappraisal that took place during the 1980s. This culminated in the 1990s with the transformation of the republican movement into a more constitutional and negotiation-oriented party, while progressively moving away from the armed struggle as a means to achieve Irish re-unification. Moreover, in emphasising that there has been a considerable improvement in the reporting of Sinn Féin; namely that the news media have become progressively more interested in republican predicaments, less biased and more critical of unionism, it also suggests that the improved media coverage must be seen as a result of the political re-alignment of the movement itself. Ultimately, the main argument of this thesis is that we are now witnessing a new phase of the republican movement and, by proxy, of Northern Irish politics and its coverage in the media. This has meant that Sinn Féin has become more wiling to reach a political compromise and to find a peaceful solution to the conflct, and has attempted to affirm itself as a party with political and social interests, other than Irish re-unification. This has also forced the British government to reappraise its own view of the conflict and of Sinn Féin, recognising above all that the party and Northern Irish politics have evolved from a situation of war to one where it is dominated by careful and sensitive diplomacy. The result is that most of the common assumptions held about Sinn Féin including those of some academics, its political communication and its news coverage, must now be reconsidered in light of the radical transformations that have taken place.

Ma thèse de doctorat s’intéresse aux représentations de la France dans l’Irlande nationaliste de 1879 à 1921. Mon analyse évolue autour du concept d’un « mythe français » construit en grande part dans les années 1840. Ce mythe imposa l’image d’une France ennemie de l’Angleterre et conséquemment alliée de l’Irlande et des nations opprimées. Cette approche introduit une nouvelle compréhension des relations du nationalisme irlandais avec la France et son mythe ; une relation qui influença la définition d’une idéologie nationaliste et la formation d’un ensemble de représentations où la France et ses images, utilisées au sein de la rhétorique nationaliste irlandaise au cours du 19e siècle, devint un modèle ainsi qu’une source d’inspiration et de fierté. Ceci permit aux nationalistes irlandais, en particulier séparatistes, de construire une version positive de leurs revendications qui ne serait plus seulement basée sur une lutte ancestrale contre l’Angleterre. C’est ce que cette thèse expose dans le cas d’Arthur Griffith, fondateur du Sinn Féin et inspiré par l’expérience franco-irlandaise de Maud Gonne, une virulente nationaliste irlandaise. Ce travail démontre également que le « mythe français » a eut une grande influence sur les politiques du nationalisme irlandais. Il se concentre tout particulièrement sur la « politique française » de Charles Stewart Parnell durant la « Land War » puis sur celle de John Redmond dans les années 1890, sur l’intense bataille rhétorique menée après la mort de Parnell entre parnelliens et anti-parnelliens, et sur les tensions entre pro et anti-alliés au cours de la Première Guerre mondiale. / >My doctoral thesis looked at the representations of France in nationalist Ireland from 1879 until 1921. My argument is centred on the concept of a “mythe français” developed in most part in the 1840s. This myth imposed the image of France as an enemy of England, and thus an ally of Ireland and of oppressed nationalities. This approach introduces a new understanding of Irish nationalist relations with France and her myth; a relationship that influenced the definition of a nationalist ideology and the set of representations that looked at France and her images, used in nationalist rhetoric through the nineteenth century, as a model as well as a source of inspiration and pride. This allowed Irish nationalists, in particular separatists, to build a positive image for their demands, one that would not solely rely on an ancestral struggle against England. I have shown that such was the case with Arthur Griffith, founder of the Sinn Féin movement and inspired by the Franco-Irish experience of Maud Gonne, a virulent Irish activist. I have also argued that the “mythe français” had a strong impact on Irish nationalist politics. I focused on Charles Stewart Parnell’s and John Redmond’s “French” policy during the Land War and the 1890s, on the intense rhetorical battle between parnellites and anti-parnellites after the death of Parnell, and on pro- and anti-ally debates during the First World War.

The transitioning of armed actors into political parties following a peace accord is not a new phenomenon and the debate for how we can facilitate such a transition is well explored. A grey area of the debate, however, concerns transitioned actors’ long-term commitment to peace, as relapses are known to have occurred on many occasions. How are successful transitions sustained and what are the facilitating mechanisms? Through a case study of Sinn Féin in Northern Ireland, this thesis aims to contribute to the very limited debate on the facilitation of peace continuity of transitioned actors. Interviews were conducted in Belfast during the fall of 2018. The present-time contextual changes posed by the United Kingdom exiting the European union, which endangers the 1998 peace agreement that helped facilitate Sinn Féin’s transition, provides a good case for studying the institutional resilience to violent relapse of a transitioned actor. The findings show that Sinn Féin display strong levels of institutional resilience, which can help the institution to abstain from relapses into violence caused by contextual changes such as Brexit.

Zugl.: Wien, Univ., Diss.

Musiktheorie ist eine singuläre Erscheinung: Keine andere künstlerische Disziplin hat eine derartige Theorie ausprägen können. Die Wandlungen, die nicht nur die Gegenstände der Musiktheorie und ihre theoretische Beschreibung, sondern auch den Theoriebegriff als solchen erfasst haben, haben doch eine grundlegende Tatsache unangetastet gelassen: Die Musiktheorie ist eine Theorie rationaler Strukturen und Verhältnisse, seien sie nun tonsystematisch oder werkbezogen, systematisch oder historisch, mathematisch, kosmologisch, physikalisch oder pragmatisch begründet. Nur als solche konnte sie historische Kontinuität ausbilden. Dass Klang als solcher in einer Theorie dieses Zuschnitts zuerst einmal systematisch ausgeschlossen wird, ist kein Zufall und auch kein behebbares Versäumnis, sondern konstitutiv. Klang wird, wie man aristotelisch sagen könnte, einer Theorie der musikalischen Formen zur Materie, zu dem, was nicht strukturell beschrieben werden kann. Damit wird Klang sozusagen negativ bestimmt als das, was sich der Theorie entzieht – nicht dem theoretischen Zugriff schlechthin, aber diesem speziellen. Indem sich die Musiktheorie dem Klang in seinen verschiedenen Dimensionen zuwendet, wird sie sich in einen anderen Typus Theorie verwandeln müssen bzw. mit anderen Theorietypen in Dialog treten. Aus einer Theorie musikalischer Rationalität wird ein ganzes Ensemble von Theorien unterschiedlicher Rationalitätsweisen, deren Zusammenspiel immer wieder neu austariert werden muss. / Music theory is a singular phenomenon: no other artistic field has been able to develop a theory of this type. Through the centuries, its objects and their theoretical examination and also the concept of theory itself have undergone major changes, while one thing has remained untouched: music theory is a theory of rational structures and relationships, regardless if they are located in the tonal system or the work, sought after in systematic or historical analyses, and founded in mathematics, cosmology, physics or in musical practice. This is what has guaranteed its historical coherence. It is no accident that sound as sound is systematically excluded from a theory of this kind, and this exclusion cannot simply be undone because it is constitutive for this kind of theory. For a theory of musical forms, sound becomes matter in the Aristotelian sense; it turns into something that cannot be described structurally. In this way, sound is negatively determined as that which eludes theory – not theory as such but this particular one. In turning to sound in its various dimensions, music theorists will have to adapt music theory to other types of theory. A theory of musical rationality will turn into an ensemble of theories whose interplay will constantly have to be rebalanced.

In diesem Vortrag wird die These verstreten, dass Sinnstiftung und Sinngebung keinesfalls eine Aufgabe sind, die das Symbolische allein bewältigen kann. Ohne das Beisammensein und die kommunikative Interaktion einer Gemeinschaft können Symbole zwar auf etwas anderes hinweisen und somit „Bedeutung“ signalisieren, sie stiften und geben aber keinen Sinn für sich. Das Symbolische bedarf der Gemeinschaft, deren Bildung, Erhaltung und Restituierung im Ritual stattfinden. Die Darlegung dieser These, bedient sich eines kognitionswissenschaftlichen Ansatzes zur Ritualforschung.:1. Einleitung 2. Der Umfang der menschlichen Kognition 2.1 Der Historisch-genetische Ansatz zur menschlichen Kognition 2.2 Embodiment 3. Die Aufführung der Hiramlegende 4. Elemente des Performativen im Ritual 4.1 Erzeugung von Wirklichkeit 4.2 Szenische Aufführung 4.3 Körperlichkeit 5. Die Möglichkeit der Eigentlichkeit von Symbolen (Schlussfolgerung)

Mit diesen beiden Handbüchern zur Cultural Sociology liegen wichtige Dokumentationen eines neueren Forschungs- und Theorieprogramms vor, zu dem Jeffrey Alexander, damals noch an der University of California at Los Angeles, in den 1990er Jahren den Aufschlag gemacht hat (Alexander, 1996).

Peu d'études se penchent sur la démilitarisation de l'Irish Republican Army et la poursuite de sa lutte dans l'arène politique. Deux raisons m'ont poussée à étudier le conflit nord-irlandais. D'abord, il est intéressant d'étudier une organisation paramilitaire qui possède un lien symbiotique, une attache historique à un parti politique, le Sinn Fein, dont certains membres ont combattu dans ses rangs, sont présents à l'Assemblée nationale nord-irlandaise et agissent à titre de politiciens reconnus en Irlande du Nord. De plus, les relations internationales du 21e siècle créent d'importantes réflexions sur le phénomène de groupes paramilitaires politisés et le cas de l'Irish Republican Army est souvent repris par professeurs et journalistes comme exemple d'une victoire face à un groupe paramilitaire extrémiste. On insiste toutefois sur le fait qu'inclure la branche armée nord-irlandaise dans les négociations de paix relève d'une exception plutôt qu'une règle dans la lutte contre ces groupes. Pour bien des experts et des politiciens, il s'agit autant d'un modèle à suivre qu'à bannir dans cette lutte où la nostalgie du temps de la bonne vieille IRA semble incomparable aux demandes inaccessibles et à la terreur irréelle qu'engendre certains groupes paramilitaires d'aujourd'hui. Ainsi, dans ce travail, nous nous intéressons à la relation qu'entretient l'IRA auprès de sa branche politique, le Sinn Fein comme facteur principal contribuant à la démilitarisation du groupe paramilitaire. On se rend compte qu'une série de dynamiques sont à réunir afin d'encourager, voire de forcer, le dépôt des armes de l'IRA. Comme première dynamique, il est alors essentiel que la branche politique domine la branche paramilitaire. Pour ce faire, d'importants bouleversements internes bousculent la structure du mouvement afin que la branche politique contrôle la branche paramilitaire. De plus, la deuxième dynamique entraîne la branche politique à bénéficier d'une place au sein même des négociations de paix. Finalement, comme troisième dynamique, le soutien, voire la reconnaissance, de la communauté internationale, à la branche politique permet d'affirmer que la branche politique, le Sinn Fein, a subordonné la lutte armée de l'IRA. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Irish Republican Army, Sinn Fein, Accord de Belfast, démilitarisation.