The illegal trade in endangered animals in KwaZulu-Natal, with an emphasis on rhino poaching, is tactically addressed in this dissertation. The aim is to expose the nature and extent of these crimes; the victims, offenders and modus operandi involved; the adjudication of wildlife offences; the causes and consequences concerned; the relevant criminological theories to explain these crimes; and recommendations for prevention. This research intends to examine the contemporary pandemic of rhino poaching in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa, and offer potential techniques for intervention. Furthermore, one of the main goals of the study is to reveal and enhance the extremely neglected field of conservation criminology. A general disregard by society for the environment, as well as the overall ineffectiveness and corruption of criminal justice and conservation authorities, comes to the fore. The purpose of the research is therefore to suggest possible prevention strategies in order to protect the rights of endangered species. / Criminology and Security Science / M.A. (Criminology)

This dissertation was carried out to try to understand the role of social capital in the migration of Zimbabwean migrants to Botswana. It describes elements and types of social capital Zimbabwean undocumented migrants used to come to Botswana. Questionnaires and in-depth interviews were used to obtain data from respondents. Though the influence of macro factors initially pushed migrants to migrate, there was evidence of the existence of social networks. Findings showed the use of social networks by Zimbabwean undocumented migrants. Though kinship networks were dominant in the initial migration stages there was a wane in the destination as migrants reverted to friendship networks for flexibility. Linking existed at both the place of origin and destination. Social control, channelling and negative social capital were discovered among migrants. Migrants developed mechanisms to counter the Botswana’s enforcement policy. / Sociology

This dissertation fundamentally explores the nature of change, and the development interventions that aim to bring this change into a particular society. What emerges is the notion of a ‘spiral’: imagining the dynamic relationship between paradigms and discourses, the institutions and programmes operating in a place, and the way individual identities are constructed in intricate and contradictory ways. Within this spiral, discourse has power – ‘words matter’ – but equally significant is how these words interact dialogically with concrete social structures and institutions – ‘it takes more than changing words to change the world’. Furthermore, these changes are reacted to, and expressed in, the physical, sexed body. In essence, change is ideational, institutional, and embodied. To investigate the politics of change, this dissertation analyses the spiral relationships between gender discourses, institutions, and identities in contemporary Indonesia, focusing on their transmission across Java. It does so by exploring the Indonesian state’s gender policies in the context of globalisation, democratisation, and decentralisation. In this way, the lens of gender allows us to analyse the dynamic interactions between state and society, between ideas and institutions, which impact on everything from cultural structures to physical bodies. Research focuses on the gender policies of the Indonesian Ministry of Women’s Empowerment, substantiated with case study material from United Nations Population Fund reproductive health programmes in West Java. Employing a multi-level, multi-vocal theoretical framework, the thesis analyses gender discourses and relational structures (how discourses circulate to construct the Indonesian woman), gender institutions and social structures (how discourses are translated into programmes), and gender identities and embodied structures (how discourses enter the home and the body). Critically, studying gender requires analysing the human body as the site of both structural and symbolic power. This dissertation thus argues for renewed emphasis on a ‘politics of the body’, recognising that bodies are the material foundations from which gender discourses derive their naturalising power and hence ability to structure social relations. The danger of forgetting this politics of the body is that it allows for slippage between ‘gender’ and ‘women’; policy objectives cannot be disentangled from the reality of physical bodies and their social construction. This thesis therefore argues that there are distinct and even inverse impacts of gender policies in Indonesia. As the ‘liberal’ and ‘modern’ assumptions of gender equality are overlaid onto the patriarchal culture of a society undergoing transformation, women’s bodies and women’s sexuality are always and ever the focus of the social gaze. The gender policies and interventions affecting change on discursive and institutional levels may thus provoke reaction at the level of individual identities that are contrary to explicit intentions. In effect, projects that purport to work on ‘gender’ are often so deeply rooted in underlying gender normativity that their net effect is to reinscribe these gender hierarchies. By exposing the contradictions in these underlying paradigms we gain insight into the politics of a transforming society. Furthermore, engaging with the politics of the body allows us to analyse the spiral processes between discourse and practice, the question of power, and the way men and women embody social structures and experience social transformation.

Suite à la croissance du phénomène migratoire clandestin, la prise de conscience publique et officielle de ce phénomène et du trafic des migrants est évidente. En conséquence, la signature du Protocole de l‘ONU contre le trafic de migrants et l‘adoption d‘une directive et d‘une décision-cadre au niveau européen sont conçues pour faire face à ceux qui profitent de ce phénomène, à savoir les trafiquants. Le droit français quant à lui, a accru la répression contre les tierces personnes impliquées, de près ou de loin, dans les activités clandestines de l‘immigration. Malgré l‘objectif affiché par ledit Protocole de « lutte contre le trafic illicite de migrants », les mesures adoptées et la large liberté laissée aux États membres, indiquent clairement le vrai but de cet instrument international, à savoir la lutte contre l‘immigration clandestine elle-même, but qui est le même pour l‘UE. Mais quel est le statut accordé par le protocole et par les dispositions européennes ainsi que françaises aux migrants qui font appel aux services des passeurs ? À travers cette étude nous pouvons entrevoir que la formulation des dispositions du Protocole et celle des dispositions européennes visent à n‘assurer aucun statut juridique aux migrants clandestins. Il n‘y a pas de statut juridique, ni victime, ni coupable, le migrant est en détresse. En revanche, en droit français, le migrant clandestin n‘est presque jamais regardé comme un homme, mais plutôt comme un délinquant. Le législateur français a choisi la loi pénale face à ces migrants. Cependant, les sanctions et la sévérité ne pourront rien contre un homme torturé, affamé, méprisé dans son pays. La loi pénale, à elle seule, ne permettra sans doute pas d‘apporter une solution. La préservation de l‘équilibre nécessairement fragile entre le respect de la liberté individuelle et le maintien de l‘ordre public est rarement prise en considération. En revanche les considérations économiques ont justifié une plus grande rigueur à l‘encontre des clandestins, au niveau de leur entrée, de leur séjour. / As a result of the ever increasing illegal migration phenomenon, Public opinion and officials are now clearly aware of it and of the trafficking involved. Therefore, the signing of the UN Protocole against the smuggling of migrants and the adoption of a directive together with a decision framework at European level are tailor made to fight against the traffickers taking advantage of this phenomenon. French law, as it is concerned, has increased repression against whoever might be involved in this clandestine smuggling and trafficking. Despite the objective stated in the, so called, Protocol of ―fighting against the smuggling of migrants‖ The measures adopted and the large freedom given to the members states, clearly indicate that the true purpose of this international instrument is indeed the same as the E.U‘s that is to say : fighting against illegal immigration. But what is the status granted by the protocol and the European as well as French provisions to the migrants who use the services of smugglers? All through this study we can see that the formulations of the provisions of the protocol and that of the European provisions are intended to ensure that no legal status is granted to clandestine migrants. As far as they are concerned they have no legal status so there is no victim and no offender: a clandestine migrant is just in distress. However in the French law a clandestine migrant is seen as an offender but not as a man in distress. The French parliament has chosen to enforce criminal law against these migrants but, will this stop migrants who are tortured, despised and starving in their country of origin? Choosing to see them only as offenders won‘t probably bring any solution to the problem. The necessary preservation of the delicate balance between respect for individual freedom and the maintenance of public order is rarely taken into consideration. However economic considerations justify rigour againt illegal immigrants concerning who is allowed to enter the country and how long they will be allowed to stay.

Text in English with appendices in Afaan Oromoo (Oromo language) / Despite the imperative of reintegration assistance for returnees of illegal migration, which will enable them to become independent and productive members of the community, the reintegration needs and experiences of returned illegal migrants are neglected in academic studies. The objectives of the study were to explore the socio-contextual factors that gave rise to the illegal migration of the study participants; their illegal migration abuse and exploitation experiences; the reintegration needs they sought after return; and the responses of relevant stakeholders to meet the reintegration needs of the returnees and help them reintegrate into the community. To this end, I conducted a qualitative study in Omo Nada district in 2017. I collected the data by means of indepth interviews, key informant interviews and focus group discussions. I used thematic analysis to analyze the findings. The study revealed that the decision to migrate ‘illegally’ was the result of numerous drivers: poverty, unemployment, political discrimination, family pressure, and absence of legal means, the influence of brokers and smugglers, and socio-cultural and religious factors. The returned migrants experienced various types of abuse and exploitation, including physical abuse, economic, labour and sexual exploitation both on the migration journey and at the place of destination. The long periods of isolation some experienced also resulted in the disintegration of their families. Participants identified the need for support in the form of health services, counselling, housing, employment, skills training, finances, loans and social support from relevant stakeholders such as family, the community, the government and non-governmental organizations. Despite the many needs identified, the relevant bodies provided very little reintegration support. Due to this, the returnees were not able to reintegrate into their communities. Returning to the premigration conditions which drove them to migrate ‘illegally' in the first place, with no hope of any reintegration assistance, led some returnees to re-migrate illegally. Reintegration is a key aspect for return migration. Therefore, to be sustainable and for the reintegration process to be successful it must be widely supported. The consequences of illegal migration and reintegration support must be taken seriously and supported by the government in all its aspects. Government agencies such as the Labour and Social Affairs Office must be capacitated to provide the necessary assistance and supports to effect sustainable integration. / Sociology / Ph. D. (Sociology)

Thesis (M. of Military Art and Science)--U.S. Army Command and General Staff College, 2007. / The original document contains color images. Also available via the Internet.

Thesis (Master of Military Studies)-Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. / Title from title page of PDF document (viewed on: Feb 11, 2010). Includes bibliographical references.

This dissertation was carried out to try to understand the role of social capital in the migration of Zimbabwean migrants to Botswana. It describes elements and types of social capital Zimbabwean undocumented migrants used to come to Botswana. Questionnaires and in-depth interviews were used to obtain data from respondents. Though the influence of macro factors initially pushed migrants to migrate, there was evidence of the existence of social networks. Findings showed the use of social networks by Zimbabwean undocumented migrants. Though kinship networks were dominant in the initial migration stages there was a wane in the destination as migrants reverted to friendship networks for flexibility. Linking existed at both the place of origin and destination. Social control, channelling and negative social capital were discovered among migrants. Migrants developed mechanisms to counter the Botswana’s enforcement policy. / Sociology

Quelle population hétérogène que celle des Justes parmi les nations de Rhône-Alpes, et, par cette caractéristique même, peu saisissable ! S’ils ne sauraient, à eux seuls, représenter la totalité des situations de sauvetage, les Justes éclairent, par le simple fait qu’ils existent, un pan de la résistance civile sous l’Occupation. Ces hommes, ces femmes, appartiennent à une région originale, comme prédestinée à l’accueil. La diversité de ses paysages en fait le terrain d’expérimentation de toutes les formes de tourisme. Pays pratiquant, Rhône-Alpes est également le terreau d’expériences religieuses nouvelles et le berceau de la démocratie chrétienne. Région carrefour, ouverte, son pouvoir d’attraction se renforce sous l’Occupation, avec l’arrivée de flux nombreux d’exilés, de juifs notamment, qui s’efforcent d’y reprendre une vie « normale ». Les rafles de l’été 1942 font, soudainement, de l’aide dispensée aux réfugiés traqués une question de survie. Des hommes, des femmes, mus par des valeurs communes, encouragés par les ecclésiastiques qui les entourent, se mobilisent. Naissent ainsi de véritables chaînes de solidarité, transformant des bourgs ou des villages en territoires refuges, des individus anonymes en héros « ordinaires ». / What a heterogeneous population that the Righteous among the nations of Rhône-Alpes and, by this way, little comprehensible! If they don’t embody all the situations of the rescue, the Righteous enlighten, only because they do exist, a piece of the civilian Resistance under the Occupation. These people belong to an unusual region, as fated for the welcome. Its various landscapes led to the experiment of all the types of tourism. This practicing country is also the ground of new religious experiences and the cradle of the Christian democracy. The appeal of this crossroads strengthens under the Occupation with the arrival of exiles, Jews in particular, who try to take back their former life. The raids of the summer 1942 make suddenly the help to the pursued people a question of survival. Moved by common values, encouraged by the clerics who surround them, people mobilize. Thus real networks of support arise, transforming villages into sanctuaries, common people into heroes.

THE 1977 UNITED STATES ARMS EMBARGO AGAINST SOUTH AFRICA: INSTITUTION AND IMPLEMENTATION TO 1997 The institution and implementation of the 1977 mandatory United States arms embargo against South Africa and the impact thereof on relations between the United States and South Africa is investigated in this study. The investigation centers around the objectives of the United States in instituting the arms embargo, whether these objectives were met through the implementation and enforcement of the arms embargo, and whether the South African reaction to the embargo indicates the failure of the embargo to meet its objectives. The relation of the arms embargo to the foreign policy of the United States Government of the day, as well as the impact of the embargo on the South African military industry is discussed. The basis on which the problem statement is built is that close scrutiny of the implementation of the arms embargo would allow one to judge the seriousness that the United States assigned to the objectives of the arms embargo. The main objective of the embargo was to force the South African Government to abandon apartheid. Full compliance with the embargo would demonstrate the commitment of the United States to this objective, while non-compliance would be regarded by critics as a retreat from that objective. The United States’ implementation of the arms embargo would furthermore demonstrate the ability of major arms producers like the United States to reduce the threat of global violence by putting measures in place to successfully block arms and related items from being exported to potential belligerents. In conclusion to the study, it was found that the implementation of the embargo was linked to external objectives of the United States Government of the day. Thus, the strengthening or weakening of arms embargo regulations occurred according to the objectives that the Government of the day wanted to achieve. Nonetheless, the United States’ implementation of the arms embargo was generally very effective. It was also concluded that the arms embargo indeed acted as the main stimulant for the development of the world-renowned South African arms industry. This industry developed out of the determination of the white South African minority Government to remain in power, which in turn resulted in a defiant disregard for the arms embargo. Clandestine activities became the order of the day. These activities later had a major impact on the first democratically elected black government in South Africa. This government inherited a legacy of embargo violations, which led to much tension in relations with the United States in the first few years after the 1994 South African elections. The research therefore also paints a picture of the inherited struggles that the new South African Government had to face as a result of the arms embargo, and the resultant difficulties in normalizing relations with the United States. / Thesis (DPhil (History))--University of Pretoria, 2006. / Historical and Heritage Studies / unrestricted