abstract: Sociopolitical involvement has been previously shown to be associated with experiences of discrimination. Lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) racial/ethnic minorities have faced multiple levels of discrimination from the mainstream community, racial/ethnic minority communities, and LGB communities. However, not many studies have investigated the association between intersectional forms of discrimination and sociopolitical involvement. The present study examines differences in perceptions of racism in the LGB community, sociopolitical involvement in racial/ethnic communities, and sociopolitical involvement in LGB communities among LGB racial/ethnic minorities (N = 203, MAge = 27.25). The sample included 107 (52.7%) men and 96 (47.3%) women; 41 (20.2%) lesbians, 89 (43.8%) gay men, and 73 (36.0%) bisexuals; 47 (23.2%) African Americans, 50 (24.6%) Asian Americans, 64 (31.5%) Latinos/as, and 42 (20.7%) from another race/ethnicity or mixed race. This study also looks at the association between perceptions of racism in the LGB community and sociopolitical involvement in racial/ethnic communities and/or LGB communities. Asian American participants reported perceiving higher levels of racism in the LGB community than Latino/a participants. No other differences in perceptions of racism in the LGB community were found between sexual orientation or by racial/ethnic group. No differences between racial/ethnic group or sexual orientations were found in sociopolitical involvement in racial/ethnic or LGB communities. When controlling for sexual orientation, gender, and race/ethnicity, perceptions of racism in the LGB community predicted sociopolitical involvement in racial/ethnic and LGB communities. By exploring correlates of discrimination from an intersectional perspective, this study provides a better understanding of the experiences of LGB racial/ethnic minorities. / Dissertation/Thesis / Masters Thesis Counseling Psychology 2016

abstract: Sociopolitical involvement has been previously shown to be associated with experiences of discrimination. Lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) racial/ethnic minorities have faced multiple levels of discrimination from the mainstream community, racial/ethnic minority communities, and LGB communities. However, not many studies have investigated the association between intersectional forms of discrimination and sociopolitical involvement. The present study examines differences in perceptions of racism in the LGB community, sociopolitical involvement in racial/ethnic communities, and sociopolitical involvement in LGB communities among LGB racial/ethnic minorities (N = 203, MAge = 27.25). The sample included 107 (52.7%) men and 96 (47.3%) women; 41 (20.2%) lesbians, 89 (43.8%) gay men, and 73 (36.0%) bisexuals; 47 (23.2%) African Americans, 50 (24.6%) Asian Americans, 64 (31.5%) Latinos/as, and 42 (20.7%) from another race/ethnicity or mixed race. This study also looks at the association between perceptions of racism in the LGB community and sociopolitical involvement in racial/ethnic communities and/or LGB communities. Asian American participants reported perceiving higher levels of racism in the LGB community than Latino/a participants. No other differences in perceptions of racism in the LGB community were found between sexual orientation or by racial/ethnic group. No differences between racial/ethnic group or sexual orientations were found in sociopolitical involvement in racial/ethnic or LGB communities. When controlling for sexual orientation, gender, and race/ethnicity, perceptions of racism in the LGB community predicted sociopolitical involvement in racial/ethnic and LGB communities. By exploring correlates of discrimination from an intersectional perspective, this study provides a better understanding of the experiences of LGB racial/ethnic minorities. / Dissertation/Thesis / Masters Thesis Counseling Psychology 2016

FundaÃÃo de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Cearà / O objetivo do presente trabalho à apresentar a estrutura da teoria politica e pedagÃgica de pensador russo Mikhail Bakunin. Para tanto empreendemos uma anÃlise exegÃtica e interpretativa de suas principais obras tais como Federalismo, socialismo e antiteologismo (1988) e Estatismo e Anarquia (2003). Bakunin descreveu de modo articulado a interdependÃncia dos principais elementos da modernidade ascendente na Europa do sÃculo XIX, a relaÃÃo entre Estado-NaÃÃo, modo de produÃÃo capitalista e ideologia cientificista e impÃrio sÃo elementos fundamentais em sua obra, bem como o processo de resistÃncia coletiva desenvolvida pelos trabalhadores em defesa da emancipaÃÃo do trabalho sobre o capital. A pespectiva da totalidade permeia a estrutura desse trabalho posto que no pensamento de Bakunin o desenvolvimento do sistema inter-estatal capitalista com a as suas formas epistemolÃgicas de dominaÃÃo devem ser superadas por formas igualmente integrais de emancipaÃÃo, por meio do controle dos trabalhadores da vida econÃmica, politica e educacional da sociedade. A partir desse estudo tambÃm apresentamos uma proposta Pedagogica a partir do seu pensamento, denominamos esse complexo educativo, que se baseia sobretudo na compreensÃo do conhecimento como um constructo do trabalho e resistÃncia coletiva, de Pedagogia sociopolÃtica.

The diploma thesis examines a drama translation and its changes for staging purposes. The thesis strives for interdisciplinarity, for it enriches the theoretical-analytical approaches of translation studies with practical dramaturgy insights of the creators of the stagings. The thesis analyses Arthur Miller's play Death of a Salesman (1949) as translated by Luba and Rudolf Pellar (1962). Their literary translation is subjected to a translation analysis under Peter Newmark's model of analysing a translation (1988). Subsequently, the thesis examines the types and the extent of the changes in the scripts for stagings used in the Czech National Theatre in 1993-1996, and in the current staging in the Municipal Theatres of Prague (premiere in 2019) while employing their comparison with the Pellars' published translation. Key words: translation studies, translation of drama, Death of a Salesman, Arthur Miller, Luba and Rudolf Pellar, staging, dramaturgy

Metod: En kvalitativ metod med en induktiv ansats har tillämpats för denna studie. Empirin har samlats in genom fokusgruppsintervjuer, utförda vid fyra tillfällen med sammanlagt 15 deltagare. Fokusgruppssessionerna har spelats in, transkriberats, kodats, analyserats och presenterats utifrån induktiv metod, vilket även avser den tidigare forskningen. Resultat & Slutsats: Förväntningar på att företag skall uttrycka ställning för sociopolitiska frågor förekommer samtidigt som konsumenten är skeptisk till företagens underliggande motiv och trovärdighet i samband med ställningstaganden. Studien visar också att trots konsumentens skepticism har CSA en påverkan på attityden och att det beror på hur konsumentens personliga värderingar och åsikter förhåller sig till företagets ställningstagande.  Examensarbetets bidrag: Med anledning av att CSA är ett relativt nytt ämnesområde med stora begränsningar avseende tidigare forskning är förhoppningen att detta examensarbete skall bidra till ökad förståelse för fenomenet och samtidigt uppmana till vidare forskning.  Förslag till vidare forskning: Med utgångspunkt i begreppet “woke washing” föreslås vidare forskning kring hur företag kan nyttja CSA framgångsrikt. Förekommer gör även skäl att anamma uppsatsen syfte men med utgångspunkt i annan intressegrupp än konsumenten, exempelvis företagets leverantörer eller samarbetspartners. Vi föreslår även att vidare forskning fokuserar på CSA med inriktning på exempelvis så kallade lyxvarumärken då studien gett upphov till att misstänka konsumenten värderar CSA olika beroende på situation och produkt.

La marionnette iranienne, par son fonctionnement, son rôle et son comportement esthétique et sociopolitique sur les scènes théâtrales et à la télévision, est un objet et une sorte de personnage hybride : tout en exhibant la nature hybride de cette forme théâtrale, la démarche marionnettique souligne le « grand » pouvoir de cette « petite » chose mineure et trouve un espace pour jouer avec ce même pouvoir. Ainsi, la marionnette en Iran, depuis au moins dix siècles, participe à un « jeu » au-delà des jeux marionnettiques, tout en résistant aux changements de la société. Elle se renouvelle donc en toute occasion et s’épanouit de nos jours tout en revendiquant à sa guise la liberté de parole et de geste. Pour saisir ce phénomène, cet ouvrage s’attache à suivre les traces de la marionnette dans la société iranienne, à partir du XIe siècle, dans la littérature classique persane au style allégorique et symbolique, puis, à partir du XVIIe siècle, dans les récits de voyageurs occidentaux. Parallèlement aux études historiques, cette thèse donne des informations majeures sur l’identité sociale de la marionnette iranienne et sur les trois techniques traditionnelles du théâtre de marionnettes. A partir du XXe siècle, la transformation, voire la mutation des formes marionnettiques iraniennes, ainsi que leur entrée à l’Université témoignent d’un renouveau à travers lequel certains sujets délicats, voire tabous, peuvent être abordés en détournant la censure. / Iranian puppetry and the Iranian puppet show, it's operation, it's role and it's sociopolitical nature, on both stage and TV, is a form with a kind of hybrid character. Indeed, this approach emphasizes the power of this “small” scale theatrical art form to tackle “big” subjects, demonstrating it's hybrid nature. Puppetry in Iran, for the last ten centuries, participates in a “game” beyond the traditional marionette show, resisting change in society. However it somehow manages to renew itself on every occasion and flourish in the present, proclaiming the freedom of speech and gesture. The goal of this thesis is to grasp this phenomenon, by following puppetry in Iranian society through the ages. From the eleventh century classical Persian literature, with it's allegorical and symbolic style, onto the seventeenth century with stories of Western travelers and finally the twentieth century, where Iranian marionettes are transformed or mutated into something universal relevant to Iranian society, addressing certain touchy subjects or taboos and managing to circumnavigate censorship rules. Alongside these historical studies, this thesis describes the social identity of Iranian puppetry and the three traditional techniques of puppet theater.

Thesis advisor: Scott C. Seider / Engagement in sociopolitical activism, such as protesting, has important implications for youth of color and for the communities in which they live (Ballard & Ozer, 2016; Ginwright, 2010; Hope & Spencer, 2017). Critical Consciousness (CC; Freire, 1970/1998; Watts et al., 2011) and Youth Sociopolitical Development Theory (Youth SPD; Watts & Flanagan, 2007) are two prominent frameworks for investigating sociopolitical activism among youth of color. Although both frameworks position motivation as one of the key factors influencing youth activism, motivation is narrowly defined as a single construct—one’s sense of efficacy to effect change. Using motivation constructs from two established motivation frameworks, Self-Determination Theory (SDT; Deci & Ryan, 2008; Ryan & Deci, 2000) and Regulatory Focus Theory (RFT; Higgins, 1997), this dissertation investigated the multidimensional nature of motivation in relation to Black and Latinx adolescents’ commitment to activism. Drawing from a longitudinal data set examining Black and Latinx adolescents’ civic development over four years of high school (N = 733), I used group differential approaches (latent profile analysis, latent profile transition analysis, and latent profile moderation) to (a) identify distinct combinations of motivations among Black and Latinx high school students in ninth, tenth, and twelfth grade, (b) assess whether and the extent to which adolescents changed profile membership across high school, (c) examine motivation profiles in tenth grade as predictors of commitment to activism in twelfth grade, and (d) examine motivation profiles in tenth grade as moderators of the relation between adolescents’ analysis of social problems in tenth grade and their commitment to activism addressing these problems in twelfth grade (controlling for their initial commitment to activism). I identified two motivation profiles in ninth grade, four motivation profiles in tenth grade, and four motivation profiles in twelfth grade. At both tenth and twelfth grade, I named the motivation profiles: “Low Motivation,” “High Motivation,” “Moderate Motivation, Low Autonomy,” and “Moderate Motivation, High Autonomy.” At both time points, the “Low Motivation” profile comprised the smallest proportion of the sample and the “Moderate Motivation, High Autonomy” profile comprised the largest proportion of the sample. Most youth shifted to a different motivation profile over time. Adolescents in the “High Motivation” profile at the end of tenth grade reported the highest average commitment to activism at the end of twelfth grade; however, this number was only statistically significantly higher than the “Moderate Motivation, Low Autonomy” profile. Contrary to expectations, youths’ social analysis in tenth grade was not predictive of their commitment to activism in twelfth grade; thus, there was no latent profile moderation in relation to social analysis and commitment to activism. Instead, I did find evidence that motivation profile membership moderated the relation between commitment to activism at the end of tenth grade on commitment to activism at the end of twelfth grade. Overall, results suggest that adolescents’ motivation is multidimensional and incredibly dynamic. Future CC/Youth SPD research should consider investigating a more complete set of established motivation constructs in relation to youths’ sociopolitical development. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2022. / Submitted to: Boston College. Lynch School of Education. / Discipline: Counseling, Developmental and Educational Psychology.

Thesis advisor: M. Brinton Lykes / Every day Muslim women in the United States wake up to a harsh political world that attacks their identities, communities, and freedom. In this context, Muslim women endure immense psychological tolls on their sense of identity, safety, and relationships. For many of them, walking out the door and claiming their Muslim identity is an act of political resistance. Despite the disempowerment they may experience, many engage in social actions to resist these oppressive forces. Yet, Muslim women activists have received strikingly little attention in the psychological literature. To date, no research has explored the psychosocial experiences of Muslim women who engage in activism, nor the meanings they make of these engagements or their trajectories of resistance. Using a participatory research approach informed by art-based inquiry techniques, this inductive qualitative study explored 10 Muslim women activists’ trajectories into and experiences of engaging in social action. A constructivist theoretical model of Muslim women activists' processes of resistance and community liberation was developed through qualitative inductive analyses of in-depth interviews and participants’ illustrations. Eight “clusters” have been configured to map a model that represents both processes and outcomes of how these 10 women engaged, experienced, and made meaning of their activism. They include: (1) living in a post 9/11 sociopolitical context; (2) navigating the Muslim community context; (3) internal experiences of being a Muslim woman; (4) guiding ideals toward activism journey; (5) development of political analyses; (6) resistance actions toward social change; (7) burdens and benefits of engagement in resistance; and (8) supportive forces in the process of resistance.  Although only representative of 10 participants, the model is sufficiently theorized to suggest that life in a multiply traumatizing context shapes Muslim women activists’ experiences, precluding and contributing to their persistence and resistance throughout and during their engagement in social change work. Political analyses and ideals are vital in their descriptions of their trajectories of becoming activists. Benefits and burdens that are inevitable in social change work include both the thrill and fun of engaging in activism as well as the costs to relationships and conflicts inherent in such work. Finally, encouragement by other Muslims and allies is discussed as a valuable source of support to Muslim women activists. Limitations are discussed and implications are proposed to inform possibilities for future healing centered research and action. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2020. / Submitted to: Boston College. Lynch School of Education. / Discipline: Counseling, Developmental and Educational Psychology.

No description available.

Upon Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and the outbreak of war in early 2022, brands around the world took a stand to mark their position against Russia and in support of Ukraine. Even brands that did not have any direct ties to Russia or any involvement in the conflict distanced themselves from being associated with Russia by ceasing operations, stopping sales, or changing brand names. Brands engaging in sociopolitical issues, i.e., brand activism, has become more prevalent in recent years and thus become a topic of research. Previous research on brand activism focuses heavily on the corporate perspective, and only recently have scholars studied the effects on consumers. Guided by the research question “How do consumers perceive brand activism and what role does brand authenticity play in their evaluation of genuine brand activism?”, this study aims to offer a deeper understanding of consumers’ views on brand activism and how they evaluate its genuineness using qualitative methods. With a starting point in a recent event that brands have engaged in, namely the war in Ukraine, the study reveals that consumers' views on brand activism vary greatly, and for the majority, brand activism is not a decisive factor in their choice of brand. However, consumers still have a positive attitude towards brands engaging in brand activism and some find it somewhat important that brands do it. Despite this, consumers do not find it necessary for brands to engage in sociopolitical issues. Further, the study found that, in evaluating the genuineness of brand activism, consumers tend to refer to the existing associations with a brand, how authentic they perceive the brand prior to the brand taking a stand, and how well the brand associations align with the sociopolitical issue the at hand.