[pt] Esta dissertação tem por objetivo analisar a vida das mulheres moradoras da Favela da Rocinha, na cidade do Rio de Janeiro, Brasil, questionando quais são as formas e possibilidades de atuação e resistência face aos processos cotidianos de opressão e como o território influencia e muitas vezes delimita sua vivência diária. O estudo foi realizado a partir do ano de 2007, que marca o início do Programa de Aceleração do Crescimento-Urbanização de Assentamentos Precários (PAC-UAP) do governo federal, até os dias atuais. O objeto de estudo é a territorialidade feminina, ou seja, a influência da mulher que, apesar da violência e da qui, molda o território estigmatizado da favela, que é considerado como não pertencente à cidade, e também sua resistência aos processos de opressão diários. Desta forma, esta dissertação visa analisar as ações femininas que reconfiguram o território da favela, através das práticas de resistência e da participação em coletivos políticos e ONGs. Como universo de análise, foi escolhida a favela da Rocinha, no Rio de Janeiro, pelo importante papel da mulher como ativista social e política desde o início do assentamento deste bairro, que conta com um longo histórico de mobilização comunitária e luta por direitos. A pesquisa utilizou procedimentos metodológicos dialéticos e indutivos, através da articulação de conceitos da teoria crítica feminista com a observação participante em reuniões de um grupo comunitário local da Rocinha. Como resultado, espera-se que a pesquisa ofereça contribuições, a partir da perspectiva de gênero, para a elaboração de políticas públicas, projetos e estratégias de urbanização de favelas que levem em consideração as questões das mulheres nestes territórios. / [en] This thesis aims to analyze the lives of women living in Favela da Rocinha, in the city of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, questioning the ways and possibilities of acting and resisting the daily processes of oppression and how the territory influences and often delimits their daily experience. The study was carried out from the year of 2007, which marks the beginning of the federal government s Program for Accelerating Urban Growth-Urbanization of Precarious Settlements (PAC-UAP), to the present day. The object of this research is, then, women s territoriality, i. e., how women s deliberate actions and daily practices to resist oppression shape the stigmatized territory of the squatter settlement, despite violence and the absence of the State, which considers this territory as not belonging to the city. This thesis intends to analyze women s actions that reconfigure the favela s territory through resistance practices and participation in political collectives and NGOs. The favela Rocinha in Rio de Janeiro, was chosen as the universe of analysis for the important role of women as social and political activists since the beginning of the settlement of this neighborhood, which has a long history of community mobilization and fighting for rights. The research utilizes dialectical and inductive methodological procedures, through the articulation of concepts from feminist critical theory with participant observation in local group meetings in Rocinha. As a result, it is expected that the research will contribute from a gender perspective to the elaboration of public policies, projects and strategies for the upgrading projects of slums that take into account the issues of women in these territories.

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This research examines Black educators' professional experiences in the School District of Philadelphia (SDP) over forty years, through six superintendents and a state takeover. Using critical race theory, this research uncovers how Black educators' perceptions of SDP, based on district leadership, combined with their interpretations of the historical, social, and political contexts, influenced how they defined their professional situations, interpreted the culture of the District, and how they performed their roles. A phenomenological, historical ethnography approach is employed to investigate person to institution interactions interpreted through the historical record and educators' narratives. This research explores power relations and disjuncture between the goals, assumptions, and rhetoric of the School District of Philadelphia as expressed through its policies, politics, and practices, juxtaposed against the narratives of Black educators. This research found that SDP is peculiar, particular, unforgiving, and deeply politically entrenched. Its politics are complicated by issues of race and insider-outsider tensions and are compounded by state politics and the national political landscape. The politics within SDP were also influenced by the interpretation of the contemporary political narrative by the superintendent and his or her epistemological beliefs and ontological bent within that narrative. / Urban Education

L'économie des organisations étudie l'ensemble des arrangements institutionnels permettant la mise en oeuvre de la production et l'échange de biens et de services. Dans cette thèse, nous analysons le comportement activiste des organisations non gouvernementales spécifiques au Liban. Il apparaît que le mode de gouvernance des ONG libanaises est fondé sur un concept de solidarité intra-communautaire. Comment expliquer le recours des Libanais aux services offerts par les ONG ? Ainsi, nous avons démontré que ces ONG locales sont conduites de manière à atteindre des objectifs de nature politique. La théorie de l’entrepreneuriat politique est parfaitement adaptable à ce cadre d’analyse. Un nouvel équilibre politique dans la société libanaise est trouvé. Afin de mettre en évidence l’activisme des ONG libanaises, nous avons proposé une méthodologie empirique, qui se base à la fois sur une démarche quantitative et qualitative. Le modèle proposé a pour objectif principal de montrer l’existence d’une relation entre la perception des bénéficiaires des services rendus par les ONG et leur appartenance communautaire. Ainsi nous avons démontré qu’au Liban, la plupart des bénéficiaires appartenant à une communauté particulière connaît et identifie les ONG qui leur sont favorables en matière de redistribution. Il s’agit d’une explication de la persistance du communautarisme. Les ONG libanaises comme les groupes de pression jouent un rôle intermédiaire sur le marché politique. Cette intermédiation de la démocratie représentative permet de penser les jeux et les stratégies des groupes de pression mais surtout de sortir de l’idéal normatif de la démocratie représentative égalitaire. / The economy of organizations examines the institutional mechanisms that lead to the production and exchange of goods and services. This thesis analyzes the mode of operation of NGOs which are specific to the Lebanese Society. It raises the following question: how can one explain the appeal of NGOs to the Lebanese people and the lure to use and benefit from its services? This thesis has demonstrated that these NGOs operate to achieve certain goals of political nature. The theory of political entrepreneurship applies to this concept and is considered as the theoretical framework of this dissertation. Accordingly, this thesis posits that a new political balance is achieved in the Lebanese society. In order to highlight the effectiveness of Lebanese NGOs, this thesis proposes an empirical methodology based on both quantitative and qualitative approach. The main objective of the proposed model is to underscore the existence of a relation between the perception of individuals benefiting form services rendered by NGOs and their sectarian affiliations. This dissertation reveals that the majority of people benefiting of NGOs services in Lebanon belong to a certain sect that favors people pertaining to its denomination in terms of redistribution. This signifies that the effects of sectarianism are still rampart in the Lebanese society. Lebanese NGOs can be considered as pressure groups that play an intermediary role on the Lebanese political scene. This intermediation of representative democracy allows a reconsideration of political strategies of pressure groups especially as to go beyond the norms of egalitarian representative democracy used in the Lebanese model of governance.

This study examines power factors (resource dependence, attraction of relationship maintenance, and institutional forces) in relation to actors' behaviors and ties of varying strength between them within a network of business and sociopolitical spheres. The focus is on Samsung Electronics and Asahi Breweries in the context of the ROK-Japan trade dispute (2019-2023). An analysis model, incorporating perspectives from network theory, resource dependency theory, relationship marketing, and institutional theory, is operationalized and applied to the empirical data. A qualitative content analysis of primarily two Japanese and ROK-based newspapers, along with quantitative data, reveals a domino effect of events impacting the two focal firms, highlighting their interconnected networks. The study also demonstrates how layering of relevant spheres in a given context shapes the perception and impact of power factors, influencing actors' behavior and their ties. Additionally, it emphasizes the benefits of diversifying ties and the importance of distinguishing between short-term and long-term. / Denna studie undersöker maktfaktorer (resursberoende, attraktion att upprätthålla relationer och institutionella tryck) i relation till aktörers beteenden, samt förbindelser sinsemellan i varierande styrka, inom nätverk bestående av affärsmässiga och sociopolitiska sfärer. Fokus ligger på Samsung Electronics och Asahi Breweries i samband med handelskonflikten mellan ROK och Japan (2019-2023). En analysmodell som bygger på perspektiv från nätverksteori, resursberoendeteori, relationsmarknadsföring och institutionell teori har operationaliserats och tillämpats på empirin. En kvalitativ innehållsanalys av främst två japanska respektive ROK-baserade tidningar, kombinerat med kvalitativa data, påvisar en dominoeffekt av händelser som påverkar de två fokala företagen och framhäver deras integrerade nätverk. Studien visar också hur skiktningar av relevanta sfärer i en given kontext formar perception och inverkan av maktfaktorer, vilket påverkar aktörers beteende och deras förbindelser.  Dessutom betonar studien fördelen med diversifiering av förbindelserna och vikten av att skilja mellan långsiktighet  och kortsiktighet.

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L’Afrique subsaharienne se présente, involontairement, comme une région en proie à une succession de crises, de conflits, de guerres civiles. Ces externalités négatives de l’instabilité socio-politique s’appréhendent, souvent, par le truchement du rite jaculatoire causal. D’où, les vocables « ethnies », « identité » – lorsqu’il n’est pas question de sous-développement, ou de l’injection du déficit démocratique –, auprès des commentateurs, sont, de façon cursive, convoqués pour expliquer le désordre perçu. Ainsi, les événements de 1994 au Rwanda sont ramenés à un conflit – « ethnique » – Hutu/Tutsi; négligeant par voie de conséquence l’acuité de la complexité de la réalité, ou à défaut, celle de la convergence de variables. Et pourtant, en descendant dans cette profondeur cognitive, tout observateur constaterait que l’instabilité socio-politique en Afrique subsaharienne reste une construction dans le temps et dans l’espace, optimisée par l’impénitent désir de pouvoir des acteurs politiques. Les structures historiques, loin d’être de véritables déterminants, participent à la construction sociale de la réalité porteuse d’idées, de règles et de pratiques représentationnelles qui érigent la nécessaire grammaire du bouleversement social. Nos présents travaux, non seulement, viennent examiner les causes habituellement avancées, mais s’opposent également aux arguments culturalistes mobilisés pour l’explication ou la compréhension de l’instabilité socio-politique en Afrique subsaharienne. C’est pourquoi, nous retenons que la justesse scientifique afférente à la compréhension du mouvement mécanistique socio-politique en Afrique subsaharienne est fonction du mode de connaissance de la réalité perçue. Par conséquent, nous estimons que l’instabilité socio-politique en Afrique subsaharienne, est un processus dynamique évolutif qui, nonobstant le désordre structurel, tend vers une stationnarité relative, puis absolue avant l’avènement de la stabilité. / Subsaharan Africa presents itself, involuntarily, like an area in the grip of a succession of crises, conflicts, civil wars. These negative externalities of sociopolitical instability are apprehended, often, by the means of the causal ritual. That's why, the terms "ethnic group", "identity" - when it isn't question of underdevelopment, or the injection of democratic deficit - near the commentators, in a cursory mention, are convened to explain the perceived disorder. Thus, the events of 1994 in Rwanda are brought back to a "ethnic" conflict Hutu/Tutsi; negleging consequently the acuity of the complexity of reality or failing this, that of the convergence of variables. And yet, while going down in this cognitive depth, any observer would note that sociopolitical instability in subsaharan Africa remains a construction in time and space, optimized by the unrepentant desire of power of the political actors. The historical structures, far from being true determinants, take part in the social construction of reality carrying ideas, rules, and practices representational which set up the necessary grammar of the social upheaval. Our present work, not only comes to examine the usually advanced causes, but is also opposed to the culturalist arguments mobilized for the explanation or the comprehension of sociopolitical instability in subsaharan Africa. This is why, we retain that the scientific accuracy related with the comprehension of sociopolitical mechanisitc movement in subsaharan Africa is function of the mode of knowledge of perceived reality. Consequently, we estimate that sociopolitical instability in subsaharan Africa, is an evolutionary dynamic process which, notwhithstanding, the strutural disorder, strives for a relative stationnarity, then absolute before the advent of stability.

The question of Russia's geopolitical affiliation has been a cause of centuries long debate, whether Russia belongs to Europe or to Asia. From the geographical point of view, Russia is predominantly situated in Asia. From cultural and civilisational points of view, Russian people tend to lean towards Europe, even though they capture elements of both civilizations. By examination of the most prominent Russian schools of thought, mainly of geopolitical nature (Slavophilism, Westernism, Atlantisms, Eurasianism, etc.) the work seeks to systemize the answers to this question. At the same time, it seeks to determine through analysis of the contemporary Russian foreign policy, which of these ideological leanings plays a dominant role in foreign policy discourse in Russia since 2000. Thanks to identification of this priority direction and by determining the primary orientation of Russian foreign policy in a particular region, the aim of this work is finally to answer the following question: What is Russia: Europe, Asia, or a separate continent of Eurasia?

This design project delves into the realm of public spaces, considering sociocultural, sociopolitical, and participatory design aspects, catalyzed by the Covid-19 pandemic's lockdowns. By repurposing a parking lot, the project endeavors to scrutinize, trial, and understand the reactions and needs through a design interaction and multifunctional furniture set, the simple story of Prototype.