The main aim of diploma thesis "China - real threat for American hegemony?" is to answer the question whether China is trying to threaten American position of world hegemon. After the dissolution of USSR and the fall of Iron Curtain USA became the only world superpower. Balance of power theory assumes that the occurrence of leading actor in the system will invoke attempts of others to balance the power of the leader, or to weaken him. In current world political system there are powers whose power potential is growing. One of them is China, mainly because its fast growing and prospering economy. Author of the thesis works with the concept of hegemony based on hard and soft power and three types of exercising of power - three faces of power - as means of achieving its goals. Author analyses Chinese use of hard and soft power resources, that can be classified under three types of use of power. All policies are then examined from "balance of power" theory view. Author tries to find out which one of behavior "balancing" attempts to balance, weaken USA or "bandwagoning" - support of USA is prevailing in Chinese policies. According to the prevailing tendency of Chinese behavior towards USA the author is capable to state whether China can be considered as a threat for US hegemony.

This dissertation examines the interplay of history, Pan-Africanism and soft power and its impact on how hegemony should be understood on the African continent. These dynamics were demonstrated through an examination of scholarship related to South Africa’s contested status as a regional hegemon. Using the theoretical framework of the Hegemonic Stability Theory, it argues that much of the current contestation is attributed to the limitations of transposing a global theory to the regional level without taking into account the dynamics and complexities of that particular region. The study adopts a qualitative design and is grounded in an interpretivist paradigm to allow a more nuanced and richer analysis of the regional system. The study is a literature-based study that relies on secondary sources. The dissertation found that the examined contextual factors rooted in the history and ideology of the continent combine to create powerful structural forces that impede the operation of hegemony in the manner envisioned by Hegemonic Stability Theory. Any application of hegemonic discourse to South Africa therefore requires a deeper understanding of the continent’s history, its Pan-Africanist ideology, and accompanying norms and values, as they actively constrain hegemonic ambition. Domestic complexities; contested space; increased competition; waning soft power and lack of secondary state followership also impede South Africa’s hegemony in Africa. / Mini Dissertation (MDIPs)--University of Pretoria, 2019. / Political Sciences / MDIPS / Unrestricted

In 2014, Switzerland was ranked seventh among the most successful nations in exerting what political scientist Joseph Nye calls "soft power": the ability to exercise power by attracting favor through economic and cultural influence rather than through coercion. This ability is partly due to the way Switzerland redefined its national identity following an economic decline in the 1970s and rapidly changing demographics, resulting in its repositioning on the international market. Indicative of this shift is the adoption of the pseudo-English word "Swissness" into the Swiss-German language in the late 1990s. The notion of Swissness, initially used in marketing Swiss products, has become instrumental in reframing and reshaping the cultural landscape of the nation. This dissertation examines a particular case of cultural nation re-branding through an ethnographic analysis of the revival of Streichmusik (string music). Streichmusik, which was once a localized musical practice of the mountainous region of the Appenzell and the Toggenburg, has become identified as quintessentially Swiss. By considering the role of domestic cultural tourism, I ask how Streichmusik, a visual and sonic representation of Swissness, is promoted and at times commercialized, and how commodification of the musical practice has affected its performance, reception, and cultural significance locally and nationally. In my analyses, I focus particularly on two keywords, Heimat (homeland) and Heile Welt (ideal or idyllic world), as well as local terminology denoting authenticity to argue that Streichmusik and the region offer a restorative platform for Switzerland. The resultant notions of nostalgia and reclaiming a rural utopia, position Appenzell and Toggenburg as an embodiment of Swissness. Based on participant observation and interviews, this study focuses on the voices of performers, cultural institutions, and tourist organizations to demonstrate how the tensions between cultural preservation and marketing practices at a local and national level provide a reimagined heritage in their attempt to (re)brand both the region and the nation at large. I further argue that having found a new place in the cultural imaginary through Swissness, Streichmusik performers articulate differing relationships with domestic cultural tourism and globalizing market forces at a time of shifting discourses of Swiss national identity. / 2017-05-31T00:00:00Z

This study examines educational reform in Japan since 2006, when the first Abe administration added objectives to increase “love for the country” and “respect for tradition and culture” into Japan’s central edict on education. The Japanese education system has since been internationally criticized by academics and journalists as furthering a neonationalist revisionist history movement, but the initiative to remove ‘masochistic views’ of history from education is only one aspect of the reforms. This thesis argues that Prime Minister Abe’s educational reforms attempt to meet related demands coming from both the global and domestic environments. In fact, a close examination of Japanese educational reforms since the 2006 Basic Act reveals a strategic response to the new technologies and changing security environment of the Information Age, as well as an effort to make students think of themselves as members of a national community. This research contributes to understanding how Japanese educational policies are being affected by the changing global environment, and the ways in which efforts to meet different global and domestic demands can be negotiated with each other. / Graduate

Under the leadership of Xi Jinping China has become even more engaged with the world. Some examples of the increased engagement are China’s initiating of the Belt and Road Initiative and the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, as well as the joining of the International Monetary Fund and the engagement in international peacekeeping operations. Some researchers are arguing that this is due to an increased interest for soft power, however, other researchers argue that China has started using more coercive measures in the last few years. This paper investigates China’s use of soft- and hard power in its bilateral relations. This is done through a comparative case study where Chinas use of power towards India and Pakistan is analysed during the years 2013-2021 to answer the questions, is China’s employment of soft- and hard power similar in all its relations? And has there been any change of soft- and hard power use during this time period? The result of this paper demonstrates that there is a difference in how China uses soft- and hard power in its foreign relations. Further, it has also shown that China’s behaviour toward India has changed from a behaviour which emphasize soft power to a behaviour which emphasizes hard power. Hence, this study has also found that there has been a change in China’s soft- and hard power use over time, and that China seem to have increased its use of hard power tools.

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Au lendemain de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, la politique d'occupation américaine de l'Allemagne prévoit la mise en place d'un programme de « réorientation » dont l'objectif est d'éliminer toute influence nazie et militariste au sein de la société allemande et d'encourager le développement de pratiques démocratiques. Instauré durant le conflit, le programme hebdomadaire d'information des troupes américaines a pour objectif, non plus d'éveiller l'envie de combattre, mais de faire des soldats des « ambassadeurs » des États-Unis. L'armée déploie une multitude de moyens d'information afin de former les soldats à leur nouvelle mission, celle de promouvoir le modèle américain de démocratie en Allemagne. L'Army Assistance to German Youth Activities, mis en place par l'armée américaine en 1946, vise à projeter une image positive des États-Unis et à transmettre, notamment à travers la pratique d'activités sportives, les valeurs et les idéaux de la démocratie américaine. Cette volonté de guider et d'influencer la population civile allemande témoigne de l'intention des responsables américains de développer le pouvoir d'attraction des États-Unis en Allemagne dans un contexte d'occupation quadripartite et de montée des tensions Est-Ouest. / After World War II, the American occupation policy of Germany provided for an "affirmative program of reorientation ... designed completely to eliminate Nazi and militaristic doctrines and to encourage the development of democratic ideas". The American soldiers, as "ambassadors of democracy" became key actors in the reorientation process. The troop information program encouraged servicemen to promote democracy in their informal contacts with Germans. Soldiers and dependents had to display a friendly face of hard power. In 1946, the Army devised a comprehensive program for German youth designed to teach them democratic principles: the Army Assistance to German Youth Activities, (GYA). Sports activities were regarded as an effective tool to reach and influence German children's thinking. Sports also promoted American traditions while serving as a cultural instrument against the growing influence of communism. In the context of occupation and Cold War, members of the U.S. armed forces exerted soft power influence in order to promote the American model of democracy in Germany

Cette thèse a pour objet la politique étrangère du Venezuela d’Hugo Chavez Frias (1998-2013) vers l’Afrique. Elle analyse, au prisme des relations africaines, le lien ténu qui se tisse entre politique intérieure et politique étrangère à partir de 2005. D’entre toutes les transformations induites par l’entrée en vigueur d’un nouveau « paradigme idéologique », le « socialisme du XXIe siècle », la subordination de la politique étrangère à la politique intérieure est sans doute l’une des plus manifestes. Elle concourt, notamment, à une redéfinition des lignes traditionnelles de la politique étrangère, à une réorientation de son agenda vers de nouveaux pôles, dont l’Afrique, et à un renouvellement des élites diplomatiques en charge de structurer les relations extérieures. Ces changements affectent la politique africaine à bien des égards. En examinant les modalités de formulation, de mise en oeuvre et en évaluant les effets de la politique africaine, nous montrons que le primat de l’interne sur la politique étrangère nuit à l’accomplissement des objectifs de la politique étrangère en Afrique cependant qu’il contribue à un élargissement des fonctions du vice-ministère pour l’Afrique vers la sphère interne. En ciblant un public domestique, ses actions visent, dans le sillage d’une réflexion nationale sur l’identité impulsée par Hugo Chavez Frias, à faire redécouvrir aux Vénézuéliens l’héritage africain de leur nation. / This thesis focuses on Hugo Chavez’s Venezuelan (1998-2013) foreign policy towards Africa. By looking at the relationships between Venezuela and Africa, it analyses the extremely tenuous link between domestic and foreign policy from 2005 onwards. Among all the transformations brought about by the entry into force of a new “ideological paradigm” (the “21st Century socialism”), the subordination of foreign policy to domestic policy is probably one of the most evident. It contributes to a complete redefinition of its traditional lines, a reorientation of its agenda towards new poles, including Africa, and a renewal of diplomatic elites in charge of structuring external relations. Those changes affect African policy in many respects. By examining the modalities of formulation, implementation and by evaluating the effects of African policy, we show that the primacy of the internal sphere on foreign policy impedes the accomplishment of Venezuelan foreign policy in Africa, while at the same time contributing to an enlargement of the functions of the vice-ministry for Africa in the domestic sphere. By targeting a domestic audience, these actions aim, in the wake of a national reflection on identity promoted by Hugo Chavez, to let Venezuelans rediscover their African heritage.

This senior thesis is an exploration of Chinese soft power and the implications on the future of US-China relations. The first chapter looks into the objectives/goals to attain by using soft power set by the Chinese government followed by the exploration of methods that the Chinese have used to further their goals. The second chapter takes a look at the implicit and explicit successes of soft power in the peripheral regions of China and neighboring countries. The third chapter explores the negative and positive results that have come from China's soft power efforts. And the final chapter covers the fluctuation in American soft power and the effect China's soft power will have on global stability. The paper concludes with policy suggestions for the United States if it wants to protect national interests against China's soft power in the future.

Soft Power ist zu einem einflussreichen Konzept avanciert – in der Politikwissenschaft, aber auch in der Politik selbst. Dabei bleibt es sowohl theoretisch als auch praktisch umstritten. In der Praxis wird das Konzept instrumentalisiert, um außenpolitisches Handeln von militärischem und wirtschaftlichem Druck positiv abzugrenzen. Unklar ist, wie Soft Power in militärischen Kontexten, in denen Hard Power im Vordergrund steht, funktionieren kann. Anhand des Afghanistan-Einsatzes der Bundeswehr wird dieses Verhältnis analysiert und eine eigene Definition von Soft Power entwickelt. / Soft power has become an important concept – both in politics and in political science. It is discussed highly controversial. In political practice, the concept is exploited to give foreign policy action a more positive connotation as opposed to military and economic pressure. It is unclear how soft power can be used in military contexts, which are dominated by hard power. At the moment, however, when soft power and hard power of the military meet in military operations, the question arises to what extent the soft power-concept works in a military context. How this ratio appears, is investigated in this paper on the example of the Afghanistan mission of the Bundeswehr. In addition, the author develops his own comprehensive definition of soft power.