The present study was designed to investigate possible situational determinants of anxiety (state and trait) as a function of either a stress provoking situation or a non-stress provoking situation. Also under investigation were possible differences that would emerge on measures of anxiety between subjects labeled as having an internal or external locus of control. Time was a third variable under consideration. This factor was manipulated as a repeated measures variable as a function of whether anxiety scores would increase or decrease when measured at two different points in time. A state measure of anxiety, a trait measure of anxiety, an internal-external locus of control scale and a questionnaire were administered to forty-five undergraduates. An analysis of variance for a 2X2X2 factorial design with repeated measures was used to analyze the data. A significant main effect was found for the factor Time on the dependent measure of trait anxiety. A correlational analysis was also performed.The significant effect of Time on trait measurements of anxiety suggest that this variable may fluctuate more frequently than previously considered by other researchers or that the state/trait dichotomy of anxiety may not be a discriminant variable and that, therefore, only one anxiety component exists. Another viable hypothesis in regards to the state measure of anxiety, is that the Multiple Affect Adjective Check List (MAACL) is not as sensitive to day-to-day fluctuations of anxiety as reported in previous research (Zuckerman, 1974).

The Mekong River is a crucial shared resource that flows through China, Myanmar, Laos, Thailand, Cambodia, and Vietnam. Over 80 million people have traditionally depended on the river to sustain their livelihoods. However, recent large-scale dam projects present serious consequences to the environmental security of the riparian states. In particular, dam construction by upstream countries poses negative socioeconomic and environmental externalities to downstream countries. Such a dynamic has incited regional tension and set a precedent for river management along national lines rather than as a collective good. Given such circumstances, this paper investigates whether the Mekong countries can transition to a cooperative regime that prioritizes the sustainable development of the river. In particular, this paper assesses the feasibility of achieving sustainable river cooperation by (i) analyzing the conditions that enable or hinder river cooperation, and (ii) investigating the extent that bargaining and benefit-sharing strategies can promote the long-term well-being of the river. The paper finds that the lack of credible commitment to the river’s sustainable development at both the regional and domestic levels renders cooperation for Mekong sustainability unlikely at this time.

This thesis examines the trajectory and role of development within the context of transition from a command to market economy, in a northern region of the Lao PDR. It looks at how the long-term effects of development interventions have contributed to a context of regional integration where the role of foreign investment and the private sector are increasing. In particular, it examines the role of development interventions in the processes of diversification and differentiation that accompany market integration. The village of Ban Jai illustrates this process as a site where despite the failures of development projects a diversification of livelihoods have developed. The implementation of UNDP projects in Ban Jai raises questions regarding the role of international projects and suggests that rather than alleviating poverty they produce a chain of effects that contribute to the tensions that result from structural changes to the village household economy. My analysis examines the tensions produced by such shifts and how villagers negotiate their engagement with the market economy. The experience of women traders illustrates how relations of solidarity are reworked in an attempt to negotiate tensions produced through processes of market integration. As structural shifts take place with increasing economic integration, international agencies also respond in particular ways by shifting strategies. I also ask what changes shifts in strategy introduce at the local level and how this intersects with the way policies are rationalized by local officials and the UNDP. An examination of this trajectory over a period of two decades, suggests that changing strategies in development have involved a shifting role between international development organizations and the private sector. I ask what kind of context this intersection of structural shifts, policy shifts and institutional shifts produces on the ground and how such shifts are negotiated locally.

In recent years, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has become the main driving force of the economic dynamism of Southeast Asia. Japan, being the economic leader of the Southeast Asian countries during the 1980s and the early 1990s, is in a declining position in terms of leadership. Japan has also been experiencing economic recession since the mid-1990s and displaying only subtle signs of recovery recently. China, however, has taken the advantage of being the most demanding market of the region and already established the functional mechanisms of economic integration with ASEAN. This economic configuration of the region is the main inquiry of this study. Although the growing economic integration of China with ASEAN is fairly recent, it is generally discussed in the academic circles, that China has been taking the lead as an economic player in Southeast Asia. However, it is argued in this study that China is not yet ready to replace Japan as an economic leader of Southeast Asian in the long-term. Given the recent economic interaction between ASEAN and China, it is early to predict that China would replace Japan&#039 / s leading economic position. In addition to that, China&#039 / s blooming economy with its domestic crisis potential and China&#039 / s long-erm geo-strategic interests in the South China Sea should also be taken into account while analysing economic potentials of Japan and China in the ASEAN market. The study examines the related literature with a comparative methodology including the analysis of the recent statistical data and survey of the news.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 158-184). / vii, 184 leaves, bound 29 cm

This is a collection of papers on three Southeast Asian countries, Cambodia, Lao PDR and Thailand. All four studies rely on household survey data for analyzing topics related to poverty and conflicts. Trust and Conflict in Southern ThailandThe insurgency in Thailand’s southern border provinces has caused thousands of casualties since 2004. This paper investigates the impact of mistrust of the government on the violent conflict. I analyze how failure to address local grievances has led to a breakdown of trust and created conditions for an insurgency. Empirical tests are carried out using a survey of individual trust in government institutions conducted at the beginning of violent conflict. It is shown that sub-districts where the population displayed lower levels of pre-conflict trust experienced higher levels of lethal violence during the conflict. Factors influencing trust in government institutions are analyzed using ordinal logistic analysis. Economic and ethno-linguistic factors are identified as the main determinants of trust towards the government. Political polarization in ThailandThe article traces recent political polarization to earlier institutional reforms opening up the political system to increased electoral competition. The increased influence of the rural majority led new political entrepreneurs to introduce welfare policies. The new polices were opposed by urban tax payers, setting off a process of policy driven polarization that drew on underlying cleavages in Thai society. Empirical tests based on voting patterns in the most recent general election using a seemingly unrelated regression model provide support for the hypothesis of policy driven political polarization. The analysis highlights the vulnerability to increased polarization after introduction of institutional reforms that alter the balance of power between different parts of the electorate. Ethnic Minority Poverty in Lao PDREthnic minorities have a significantly higher poverty incidence than the majority in Lao PDR. Based on survey data the determinants of minority poverty are analyzed, the sources of inequality decomposed, and the expected impact of polices to address minority poverty estimated. When economic factors are controlled for, ethnicity does not have any significant effect on poverty. Decomposition shows that unequal access to resources and demographic variables largely explain the majority-minority poverty gap. Rural Poverty in CambodiaCambodia has been growing rapidly over the past few years, but remains one of the poorest countries in East Asia. This paper analyzes rural poverty in Cambodia to identify the factors that explain its occurrence and persistence. The reduction of rural poverty in Cambodia requires (1) improvements in agricultural productivity and (2) the establishment of other income earning opportunities for the rural population. An econometric analysis of the Cambodian Socio-Economic Survey shows that the main causes of poverty differ between landowners and the landless, and between different regions.

ASEAN has been carrying out art activities since its formation in 1967. Some of the artists from the region have initiated discussions about their traditional cultures and aesthetic discourses in recent years. One of the main issues during the 93 Symposium at Manilla was to call for an Asean aesthetic identity. It was due to the increasing awareness of the growing consciousness of culture and identity in the region. This paper begins with the history of the Nanyang Style which was established by a group of immigrant artists from China during the 30s and 40s. The Nanyang Style of art was an integration of traditional Chinese ink and wash painting, and was influenced by the School of Paris and local subject matter. By synthesising these three elements, the Nanyang artists were able to imbue a sense of local consciousness within their works. During the 1950s the Nanyang artists had extended their aesthetic explorations to Bali and since then Balinese indigenous art has become a major influence on the Nanyang Style. This was seen as an issue of regionalism in the early art history of Singapore. Nanyang Style became the mainstream in visual arts practice in Singapore until it was replaced by Abstract Expressionism and Pop art in the 1970s. Attempted in this paper however, is a re-examination of the Nanyang Style in order to demonstrate its significant contribution to the art world of Singapore. This paper also suggets that Nanyang Style might be reassessed as a metaphor for Singaporean cultural identity given its synthesised characteristics. This reassessment will further contribute to the broader debate concerning the shaping of an ASEAN aesthetic in the region / Master of Arts (Hons)

Doctor of Philosphy(PhD) / This thesis develops and evaluates the utility of an operational approach to the archaeological study of transport in empires, focussed specifically on the remains of the transport system built by the Khmer Empire (9th to 15th centuries CE) that radiated out from the capital of Angkor to its provincial centres across mainland Southeast Asia. Previous research on the Angkorian transportation system has focussed on culture historical approaches while interpretations of the systemic construction and function are largely linked to one ruler, Jayavarman VII (1181-1219 CE), through a single inscription. The operational approach used in this thesis is derived from an integration of several theoretical and methodological perspectives: 1) Transport Geography theory (i.e., nodes, links, cultural function); 2) historical examples of transport components (i.e., rest stops, roads) and the ‘life-cycle’ concepts that characterize them (i.e., planning, seasonality,); 3) the range of methods that archaeologists use to locate, describe and analyse artefacts of transportation; and 4) identification of the general imperial requirements of transportation (i.e., shifting boundaries, control over resources). A comprehensive investigation of the spatial, temporal and functional aspects of the Angkorian transport system identifies a general plurality of development and function. Results of this study show: 1) there is no single unified transport plan; 2) the transport components, including the routes over which the roads were formalized, were the product of developments between the 11th to 13th centuries CE; and 3) site and resource location indicate that the land- and riverine-based transport systems served different yet complementary functions. From this study new directions for research are identified emphasizing the role of transportation at various scales and in various aspects of Angkorian society. The operational approach is viewed as a vital step in connecting the diverse requirements and activities of empires within an integrated and methodologically-rigorous framework.

In 1942 Curtin officially turned Australia to the United States for support and regarded the United States as Australia’s ally in World War II. Curtin’s call to the US set a precedent for Australia’s foreign and defence policy to rely on American support. This thesis analyses the Australian effort to become an ally to the Americans in the early 1950s and to increase American interest in the defence of Southeast Asia. ANZUS and SEATO culminated the Australian effort in bringing the Americans to the defence of Southeast Asia and Australia. Australia believed that it had ‘a special relationship’ with the United States through the formation of these treaties and regarded these treaties, especially ANZUS, as the cornerstone of Australia’s defence. The United States, however, did not give any special significance to these treaties and continued to treat Australia as it treated other friendly countries. The main focus of this thesis is on how the American-Australian alliance forged through ANZUS and SEATO influenced Australian foreign policy regarding Southeast Asia, especially in relation to issues such as the West New Guinea sovereignty problem, the defence of Malaya, Konfrontasi and Vietnam. The central argument is to examine how the American connection affected Australian foreign policy in Southeast Asia. As both countries saw the importance of this area to their strategic and defence interest and were heavily involved in the defence of Southeast Asia after World War II, this thesis will analyse on how the Australians reacted to and interacted with the Americans. This thesis reveals that Australia’s suggestions, plans, views and opinions regarding events in Southeast Asia were constantly rejected by the Americans. This rejection however, did not deter the Australian government from continuously pursuing a policy that would impress the United States. Australia tried hard to be a ‘good buddy’ to the Americans and became ever more subservient and submissive to American wishes. Although there were cases where Australia tried to pursue a policy that differed from the Americans, as in West New Guinea prior to 1959 and in the defence of Malaya, these Australian efforts could not sustain pressure from other actors and were doomed to failure without the support of the Americans. The failure to pursue independent policies was influenced by the increasingly dependent attitude of the Australian government towards the Americans and the fear that Australia would be left alone to defend itself. As Britain, Australia’s traditional ally’s influence in Southeast Asia was in decline,Australia perceived that it did not have other choices but to cling ever more tightly and submissively to the Americans for its own survival.

This study seeks to analyze the change of US security policy in Southeast Asia from the Clinton to Bush administrations. The main aim of the study is to examine the position of Southeast Asia in US security policy and changes in US security policy toward Southeast Asia between the two administrations at both regional and bilateral levels. Besides examining the US security approach to regional institutions like ASEAN and ARF, the study especially concentrates on the US security approach to some ASEAN members - The Philippines, Thailand, Singapore, Indonesia and Malaysia - as well as interactions between the United States and these countries in terms of security. The main argument of this study is that since the end of the Cold War, Southeast Asia has occupied an important position in US security strategy though it was far from being the highest priority in US foreign policy. During the Clinton administration and in the context of the post-Cold War environment which saw the decline of American economic power, the dynamic economic and political development of East Asia, and the existence of hot spots like North Korean and Taiwan, the United States supported the establishment of the ARF and strengthened its alliance with several ASEAN members, including the Philippines, Thailand, Singapore and Indonesia. With the goal to form a ???New Pacific Community???, the US had strategic interests in keeping Southeast Asia stable and preventing the emergence of a potential adversary in the future. To implement the security pillar in the Clinton Doctrine, the US provided military assistance to, and increased military exercises with the ASEAN states. During this period, the China factor was also a key element contributing to the change of the US relationship with the region. In the post-Cold War, the US has seen many challenges posed by China, especially from China???s military modernization program. Moreover, China???s activities in the South China Sea during the 1990s also contributed to the strengthening of bilateral relations between the US and ASEAN states. Under the Bush administration, Southeast Asia became more important to the US interests. Economically, Southeast Asia was the USA???s fifth-largest trading partner. At the same time, the US ranked as either the largest or second-largest trade partner of nine of the ten ASEAN states. Strategically, after September 11, 2001, Southeast Asia played a significant role in US security strategy since it served as the ???second front of terror???. Besides strengthening its relations with ASEAN and the ARF, the United States revitalized its bilateral relationships with ASEAN states, such as: The Philippines, Thailand, Singapore, Indonesia, and Malaysia. Through anti-terrorism initiatives, military assistance programs, intelligence sharing and joint military exercises, the US deepened and expanded its relations with ASEAN states. From this perspective, both the Philippines and Thailand were designated as ???major non-NATO allies??? of the US. In the long term, the USA???s objective in the region was to prevent the emergence of any potential adversary that would be capable of competing with the US in the future. Importantly, the US re-engagement in Southeast Asia under the Bush administration was not only to counter terrorism, but also to contain China. The rapid increase in China???s defense spending and the expansion of its influence in Southeast Asia concerned the United States. During the Bush era, China also played a key role in the US relationships with ASEAN states.