Thesis (M.A. (Political & International Studies)) - Rhodes University, 2009. / A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Politics at Department of Political and International Studies.

Magister Legum - LLM / In terms of the SADC Regional Indicative Strategic Development Plan (RISDP), the main objective of the community is to achieve a monetary union through the creation of a regional central bank by 2016 and adoption of a single currency by 2018 in a systematic and progressive manner. The envisaged monetary union in the SADC is premised on a number of economic and financial regulations aimed at stimulating efforts by member states to achieve deeper forms of regional integration. The latter imperatives include a harmonised payment system as well as a corporate governance system among others. Nonetheless it is surprising how the pace of the process has been very subpar taking into consideration that it is the year 2015 and there has been no clear carved out legislation in any form which deals with the aspect of corporate governance raises concerns. This study serves as not only a reminder but also gives guidelines to taking progressive steps towards harmonised systems of law to ensure the efficient running of companies in SADC. This study is predicated upon other successful systems and the lessons that SADC could make use of as examples in creating a robust system of laws to ensure good corporate governance and in the long run the fulfilment of the concept of a monetary union.

Magister Legum - LLM

The Southern African Development Community (SADC) aims to have a regional central bank by 2016 and a common currency by 2018. The member states are at the early stages of the process of regional economic integration, having launched a free trade area in 2008. Monetary integration is an advanced stage of regional economic integration that requires progressive changes in the participating countries. The purpose of this study is to determine the feasibility of monetary integration within the SADC countries and hence, provide policy recommendations to guide the integration process. To accomplish this, the study analyses the extent to which the member states meet the criteria for an optimum currency area (OCA) as well as the degree to which their economies are converging. The study finds that the main macroeconomic objectives of SADC countries differ due to a difference in the relative importance of monetary policy instruments in member states, which influences each country’s commitment towards achieving the macroeconomic convergence targets and harmonising policies. A more appropriate approach to macroeconomic convergence would be to allow for variable speed, geometry and depth in each country as premature adherence to convergence targets could prevent a harmonisation of the economies in the future and possibly destabilise the union. In addition, the study investigates the importance and similarities of the monetary aggregate channel, the interest rate channel, the exchange rate channel and the credit channel in the transmission of monetary policy using VAR analysis. This is important when considering monetary integration because differences in transmission mechanisms can result in asymmetric behaviour between member states, which in turn will prevent harmonisation of their economies. The results of the analysis suggest that SADC member states display asymmetries in their responses to monetary policy shocks as well as the relative importance of transmission mechanisms. In addition, the results suggest that national monetary policy is generally inefficient in determining economic performance in the member states. Furthermore, the study finds that the failure to meet the OCA criteria implies that the SADC member states will respond asymmetrically to shocks within a monetary union. With no effective alternative adjustment mechanisms in place, the effects of the shocks will endure in union members and possibly widen existing cyclical variation. Hence, monetary integration would not result in harmonisation of the economies of member states. It is therefore, concluded that the SADC countries were not suitable for monetary integration at present.

Thesis (MTech (Business))--Peninsula Technikon, Cape Town, 2002 / South Africa has long been a part of the region although it may be a new comer to some institutions established. One of the reasons why SADC was established was to reduce economic dependence on South Africa. The latter has since its first democratic elections been integrated into the region of South African Development Community which comprises of 14 members. South Africa commands an economy three times the size of all SADC economies. It is believed that the economic spread effects from integration with the South African economy will act as an engine of growth in the region. The effect of South Africa's economic dominant role on other SADC member states is a concern. The study seeks to determine the extent to which South Africa can be of assistance to other member States given its own internal problems such a unemployment and poverty. South Africa has a major role to play in terms of stabilising the region and given the expectations from the international community. It has vested interest in the region as it exports more than it imports from the region. The region has potential for investment opportunities and that is made impossible by political instability and political intolerance in the region. The SADC is faced with a serious question whether a member state can enter in the internal affairs of another member state whose internal activities adversely affect the economy of that particular country and that of other member states.

This thesis examines the security problematic of African states and focuses more particularly on the SADC region. It links the security problematic with the transactionalist approach to (supra)national integration and the concept of a security community, introduced into internatIonal relations theory by Karl Deutsch and his colleagues. In relation to the (in)security of SADC member states, the thesis attempts to demonstrate that national integration of these states (i.e. the establishment of an amalgamated security community) has at least to accompany if not precede the establishment of a security community at the regional level (i.e. a pluralistic security community). Since threats to the security of SADC member states are mainly nonmilitary in nature, the 'realist' concept of security is broadened to include political, economic, societal and environmental aspects of security at different levels. Furthermore, Deutsch's concept of a security community is redefined in line with the 'new security thinking' and adapted to the situation in African states. Moreover, this thesis attempts to demonstrate that it is essential for SADC member states to become strong and socio-economically cohesive in order to improve their competitiveness in relation to developed states, especially in their ability to deal with internal and ransnational/regional threats to their security, which are (in)directly caused and perpetuated by the lack of national integration, inefficient state-making and underdevelopment - the sources of their weakness.

M.A. (Politics) / This study examines the four democratic elections that have been held in Malawi, Zambia, South Africa and Madagascar in order to establish whether there has been an improvement in the quality of elections over the years, to ascertain the challenges faced in each country, and to determine the possible implications for the future of democracy in each of the countries. The criteria according to which elections are assessed in the SADC region guided the investigation. These are the PEMMO standards which, in contrast to a reliance on generalised terms such as „free and fair‟, offer practical guidelines on establishing progress in the electoral process, as well as the SADC-PF and SADC standards. The discussion has been structured along the lines of the three phases of the electoral process, namely, the pre-election period, the election period, and the post-election period, each with its own set of indicators to be met. The study finds that despite the minimal achievements, the overall management of the electoral processes in Malawi, Zambia and Madagascar has stagnated over the years. The institutional and legal framework is one of the major areas that need improvement in Malawi. The Malawi Electoral Commission (MEC), which was charged with the responsibility of organising the various elections, experienced enormous difficulties in establishing a level playing field as well as in exercising its full mandate. Other problem areas include the voter registration process, the use of state resources by the incumbent party, and the acceptance of the electoral outcome by some opposition leaders. In the case of Zambia, the procedure for the appointment of members of the Electoral Commission of Zambia (ECZ) undermines the independence of this body. The other difficult aspects (as in the case of Malawi) are the lack of public funding of political parties, the use of state resources by the ruling party, biased media access and coverage for the ruling party, and the acceptance of election results by some of the opposition parties. The inadequate training of the electoral staff has also been a major contributing factor to these challenges. In contrast to the abovementioned countries (including South Africa), the legal framework in Madagascar did not provide for the establishment of an independent electoral management body. Consequently, the various elections resulted in recurrent shortcomings in the voter registration process, the use of state resources, and the management of election material. However, despite the above bleak picture regarding the elections in Malawi, Zambia and Madagascar, there were some marginal improvements in the conduct of the elections over the years. The polling and counting exercises in Malawi, for instance, proved to be generally well-managed by the fourth election. Similarly, the Zambian elections over the years have improved in terms of the voter registration process, and the decrease in acts of political violence and intimidation. In Madagascar the campaign periods were generally peaceful. However, the government has since been overthrown in a coup d’état in 2009. In contrast with Malawi, Zambia and Madagascar, the four elections in South Africa have been of a high standard, notwithstanding the few flaws, particularly during the first elections in 1994. The independence and credibility of the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) over the years, as well as its continuation of members for all the elections, have among other reasons, contributed to the high standard of elections in the country. The continuous significant flaws in the elections in Malawi and Zambia pose a serious problem for the advancement of democracy in these countries. In other words, if the basic requirements of democracy – that is "free and fair" elections – are not met it does not bode well for the democratic future of these countries. The legitimacy of the elections and that of the resultant governments can be undermined, as has since been illustrated in the instance of Madagascar. The case of South Africa demonstrates the direct link between the "freeness" and "fairness" of elections and the extent to which its political system is labelled a democracy.

Magister Legum - LLM / This study focussed on the transformation of the institutions of local government from deconcentration, delegation to devolution. This transformation can be looked at starting with the institutions inherited from the colonial era, which started after the Berlin Conference of 1884, which divided Africa among the western powers. Then the transformation, which took place immediately after independence; that is the period of 1960s, the changes made in the 1980s and finally the transformation taking place following the multiparty democracy in the 1990s. The study looked at decentralisation during the colonial period; decentralisation after independence, with a particular focus on the institutions under a single party system; transformation of local government under multiparty system. It also examined the challenges facing decentralisation in the SADC region. / South Africa

Magister Legum - LLM / South Africa

Magister Legum - LLM / This research paper, therefore, will focus on (i) the challenges and opportunities presented by hard infrastructure and (ii) the potential scope of public-private partnerships in alleviating such challenges and responding to the opportunities. This research paper, as a secondary objective, cautions against missing an opportunity to advocate for the deployment of capital in a manner that benefits the region and gives sufficient returns to investors. Simply put, such a failure has the potential to derail the regional integration project in Southern Africa. This would translate to consumers and market participants being subjected to a finite market, less competition, higher prices and less innovation. In responding to the above analyses, this research paper undertakes a thorough study of the current legal framework and practices in SADC which allow for participation of the private sector in public-private partnerships. In this regard, this research paper will consider which between institutionalisation or the ad hoc participation of the private sector in public-private partnerships is a viable policy goal.