Many artist-teachers struggle to nurture and pursue their ambitions in their dual roles. The purpose of this research is to explore the nature of the professional practices of artist-teachers. While there is a substantial amount of research that provides models of artist-teachers, who teach at the post secondary levels, there are not many models for artist-teachers who teach primary and secondary age groups. Four artist-teachers, whose practices are currently contributing to the art world, as well as the educational world, were interviewed for a multiple case study. The roles represented in the study include painters, sculptors, a ceramist, a musician, a performance artist, art teachers, a music teacher, and a performance-art educator. This multiple case study provides four models of artist-teachers whose professional practices contribute to their identity and fulfillment in their dual roles. The study reveals the artist-teacher’s practice as an artist, practice as a teacher and relationship between the dual roles.

This thesis analyses how Hezbollah has perceived Israel since its establishment. In this study it is argued that Israel is the main enemy of and source of hatred for Hezbollah. The references of this overall statement are the ideology and political, social and military history of Hezbollah. The armed struggle of Hezbollah against Israel started with the 1982 Israeli invasion of Lebanon evolved into both a political participation with the continued armed militia in the period between 1982 to today. During this period, in addition to its armed conflict with Israel, Hezbollah came on the stage with social services for Lebanese society and political propaganda in Lebanese elections. The intersection point of these three identities is the endless encouragement of Hezbollah for a determined resistance against Israel. While on the one hand Hezbollah defines Israel to be the most dangerous threat for the world, in addition to being a prominent enemy for the Arab and Muslim community / on the other hand Israel regards Hezbollah to be the highest impact menace. Consequently, the thesis is finalized with outputs and predictions taking all historical and ideological aspects into concern.

This thesis analyzes the coming out action of individuals through perception of political identity. Instead of considering coming out as an individual experience, it is discussed as a political action that effects the others around the individual. This political action is examined from the Queer Theory&rsquo / s perspective of subverting the gender norms. The coming out experience of lesbians, gays and bisexuals not only has an impact of their personal environment, but also effects their relation to the LGBT movement. The importance of coming out in LGBT movement is explained through the interviews with lesbians, gays and bisexuals. Where they place themselves politically in their socialization process is analyzed. LGBT movement&rsquo / s historical background is introduced and compared with the movement in Turkey. The issues originate from Turkish society&rsquo / s social structure is indicated through interviews.

This thesis investigates the relationship between the social movement and theatre art in Turkey between 1960 and 1971 and investigates how the development of a dependent capitalism influenced the development of the classes and the political theatre. It tries to reveal the convergences between the political ideology of the classes, their organizations and the aesthetic ideology of the field of cultural production. While doing so it investigates the ties between the ideological and practical aspects of the class struggle, the artists&rsquo / aesthetic views and their relations of production.

Technological initiatives should be contextualized in the social, cultural and economic sectors. As information and communications technologies (ICT) have evolved with the process of globalization, ICT has played a significant role in supporting the development for both the marginal group and developing countries. In spite of the increasing numbers of ICT development projects, there is a lack of the robust research and evaluation regarding to ICT project outcomes. This study attempts to examine the ICT projects carried out in the Aboriginals community in Taiwan. Drawing the attention to the issues of power, identity, culture, and society, the postcolonial perspective is adopted. As the nature of the problem and the lack of previous understanding of the phenomenon, the interpretive ethnographic method is deployed in order to explore the cultural and social issues involved. During the two-year research, three ICT projects are examined through participate observation, interviews and related data retrieve. From the reviews of these ICT projects, the findings present in three themes: ¡§Technological Utopianism¡¨; ¡§Power Struggle¡¨ and ¡§Polarization¡¨. Although project Principal-initiator, teachers-project members and Parents- the community agree on the potential of ICT, they approach and expect ICT differently as their disparities in their position in the ICT projects, ICT literacy, and limitation from their social/economic reality. Each stakeholder has faced different context and carried different perception and vision toward ICT and ICT projects. After the ICT projects are carried out, the unanticipated and hidden gap of perception results in dissatisfied stakeholders. Although the media cover the project outcomes with positive tone, and both TY School and Principal obtains the reputation in ICT education, teachers are reluctant to execute ICT project and parents are disappointed and think the projects don¡¦t really help them. In order to accomplish these ICT projects under the disharmony, Principal takes advantage of his power from administration of school, knowledge legitimacy, and the control over resources. The power-laden process occurs and the communication gap is unable to close. Moreover, the relationships between stakeholders are eventually polarized. As failing to taking account of the dynamic context difference and lacking of communication, ICT projects in this study fail to deliver its promise to the people they intended to serve.

Students’ struggle with learning mathematics is often cast in a negative light. Mathematics educators and researchers, however, suggest that struggling to make sense of mathematics is a necessary component of learning mathematics with understanding. In order to investigate the possible connection between struggle and learning, this study examined students’ productive struggle as students worked on tasks of higher cognitive demand in middle school mathematics classrooms. Students’ productive struggle refers to students’ “effort to make sense of mathematics, to figure something out that is not immediately apparent” (Hiebert & Grouws, 2007, p. 287) as opposed to students’ effort made in despair or frustration. As an exploratory case study using embedded multiple cases, the study examined 186 episodes of student‐teacher interactions in order to identify the kinds and nature of student struggles that occurred in a naturalistic classroom setting as students engaged in mathematical tasks focused on proportional reasoning. The study identified the kinds of teacher responses used in the interaction with the students and the types of resolutions that occurred. The participants were 327 6th and 7th grade students and their six mathematics teachers from three middle schools located in mid‐size Texas cities. Findings from the study identified four basic types of student struggles: get started, carry out a process, give a mathematical explanation, and express misconception and errors. Four kinds of teacher responses to these struggles were identified as situated along a continuum: telling, directed guidance, probing guidance, and affordance. The outcomes of the student‐teacher interactions that resolved the students’ struggles were categorized as: productive, productive at a lower level, or unproductive. These categories were based on how the interactions maintained the cognitive level of the implemented task, addressed the externalized student struggle, and built on student thinking. Findings provide evidence that there are aspects of student‐teacher interactions that appear to be productive for student learning of mathematics. The struggle‐response framework developed in the study can be used to further examine the phenomenon of student struggle from initiation, interaction, to its resolution, and measure learning outcomes of students who experience struggle to make sense of mathematics. / text

In response to the highly exclusionary Guatemalan state and the genocide of Mayas during the 1980s, the paradigmatic currents of the Maya Movement have been engaging the state in their struggle for rights. Some have been negotiating from within the Guatemalan government by occupying bureaucratic positions within less powerful state ministries. Other Maya actors press for more favorable socioeconomic policies using social movement tactics. While most literature focuses on the above two currents as a dichotomy, I argue that a third current of Maya politics has the most political potential. One promising example emerged in the course of the land struggle of San Jorge La Laguna (1992-1999). A sector of rural Mayas (mostly poor farmers and teachers) began to look away from the state in their quest for empowerment. They became less concerned with rights granted from a distant state, and prioritized instead practices that reach towards community self-determination and ontological autonomy. This clearly represents a third current of Maya politics grounded in the social fabric of rural Maya communities and their values, social relations, and worldview. This current, which I call Tejido Social (social fabric), is also possibly present in other spaces in Guatemala and likely had existed in prior times but did not pronounce itself publicly until this period. I use Escobar’s theorization of postliberal, postcapitalist politics of relationality to analyze the significance of this third tendency of Maya politics. This study contributes to the theorization of emerging third current / Afro-indigenous movements in the Americas through an ethnographic approach which focuses on political interventions that are lived principles embedded in socio-political practice. / text

This dissertation provides an analytical framework for understanding the left-indigenous cycle of extra-parliamentary insurrection in Bolivia between 2000 and 2005. It draws from Marxist and indigenous-liberationist theory to challenge the central presuppositions of liberal-institutionalist understandings of contemporary indigenous politics in Latin America, as well as the core tenets of mainstream social movement studies. The central argument is that a specific combination of elaborate infrastructures of class struggle and social-movement unionism, historical traditions of indigenous and working-class radicalism, combined oppositional consciousness, and fierce but insufficient state repression, explain the depth, breadth, and radical character of recent left-indigenous mobilizations in Bolivia. The coalition of insurrectionary social forces in the Gas Wars of 2003 and 2005 was led by indigenous informal workers, acting in concert with formal workers, peasants, and to a smaller degree, middle-class actors. The indigenous informal working classes of the city of El Alto, in particular, utilized an elaborate infrastructure of class struggle in order to overcome structural barriers to collective action and to take up their leading role. The supportive part played by the formal working class was made possible by the political orientation toward social-movement unionism adopted by leading trade-union federations. Radicalized peasants mobilized within the broader alliance through their own rural infrastructure of class struggle. The whole array of worker and peasant social forces drew on longstanding popular cultures of indigenous liberation and revolutionary Marxism which they adapted to the novel context of the twenty-first century. These popular cultures ultimately congealed in a new combined oppositional consciousness, rooted simultaneously in the politics of indigenous resistance and class struggle. This collective consciousness, in turn, strengthened the mobilizing capacities of the popular classes and reinforced the radical character of protest. At key junctures, social movement leaders were able to synthesize oppositional consciousness into a focused collective action frame of nationalizing the natural gas industry. Finally, throughout the left-indigenous cycle, ruthless state repression was nonetheless insufficiently powerful to wipe out opposition altogether and therefore acted only to intensify the scale of protests and radicalize demands still further. The legitimacy of the neoliberal social order and the coercive power required to reproduce it were increasingly called into question as violence against civilians increased.

Many artist-teachers struggle to nurture and pursue their ambitions in their dual roles. The purpose of this research is to explore the nature of the professional practices of artist-teachers. While there is a substantial amount of research that provides models of artist-teachers, who teach at the post secondary levels, there are not many models for artist-teachers who teach primary and secondary age groups. Four artist-teachers, whose practices are currently contributing to the art world, as well as the educational world, were interviewed for a multiple case study. The roles represented in the study include painters, sculptors, a ceramist, a musician, a performance artist, art teachers, a music teacher, and a performance-art educator. This multiple case study provides four models of artist-teachers whose professional practices contribute to their identity and fulfillment in their dual roles. The study reveals the artist-teacher’s practice as an artist, practice as a teacher and relationship between the dual roles.

This dissertation provides an analytical framework for understanding the left-indigenous cycle of extra-parliamentary insurrection in Bolivia between 2000 and 2005. It draws from Marxist and indigenous-liberationist theory to challenge the central presuppositions of liberal-institutionalist understandings of contemporary indigenous politics in Latin America, as well as the core tenets of mainstream social movement studies. The central argument is that a specific combination of elaborate infrastructures of class struggle and social-movement unionism, historical traditions of indigenous and working-class radicalism, combined oppositional consciousness, and fierce but insufficient state repression, explain the depth, breadth, and radical character of recent left-indigenous mobilizations in Bolivia. The coalition of insurrectionary social forces in the Gas Wars of 2003 and 2005 was led by indigenous informal workers, acting in concert with formal workers, peasants, and to a smaller degree, middle-class actors. The indigenous informal working classes of the city of El Alto, in particular, utilized an elaborate infrastructure of class struggle in order to overcome structural barriers to collective action and to take up their leading role. The supportive part played by the formal working class was made possible by the political orientation toward social-movement unionism adopted by leading trade-union federations. Radicalized peasants mobilized within the broader alliance through their own rural infrastructure of class struggle. The whole array of worker and peasant social forces drew on longstanding popular cultures of indigenous liberation and revolutionary Marxism which they adapted to the novel context of the twenty-first century. These popular cultures ultimately congealed in a new combined oppositional consciousness, rooted simultaneously in the politics of indigenous resistance and class struggle. This collective consciousness, in turn, strengthened the mobilizing capacities of the popular classes and reinforced the radical character of protest. At key junctures, social movement leaders were able to synthesize oppositional consciousness into a focused collective action frame of nationalizing the natural gas industry. Finally, throughout the left-indigenous cycle, ruthless state repression was nonetheless insufficiently powerful to wipe out opposition altogether and therefore acted only to intensify the scale of protests and radicalize demands still further. The legitimacy of the neoliberal social order and the coercive power required to reproduce it were increasingly called into question as violence against civilians increased.