Orientador: Fátima Cabral / Banca: Isabel Maria Loureiro / Banca: Lúcio Flávio Rodríguez de Almeida / Resumo: Pretende-se estudar o Exército Zapatista de Libertação Nacional, movimento indígena político-social armado, que irrompe na cena pública em primeiro de janeiro de 1994, no sudeste do México, Chiapas. Através da apreensão analítica das causas e motivações destes insurgentes, bem como do desenvolvimento de seu processo de luta e do seu projeto político, relacionar suas inovações no quadro da conflitualidade social, com vistas a realizar um quadro analítico que possibilite apontar o papel ocupado pelo zapatismo na luta social, bem como as possíveis limitações e superações que estas experiências trazem consigo para o pensamento e para os movimentos sociais. / Abstract: It is intended to analyze the Zapatista Army of National Liberation, an indigenous social-political army based movement that bursts into the public scene in January first, 1994, in the southeast of México, at Chiapas. Through the analytical apprehension of the causes and motivations of these rebels, as well as the development of its struggle process and its political project, to list its innovations in the frame of the social conflicts, intending to do an analysis that makes possible to point the part played by zapatismo in the social struggle, as well as the possible limitations and overcomings that these experiences bring within for the thought and the social movements. / Mestre

O presente estudo tem como eixo central as conexões entre a produção de esculturas em madeira, conhecidas como mashinamu ou arte makonde, e a história de Moçambique, pelo viés da atuação política e artística da população makonde deste país, entre 1950 e 1974. O recorte temporal abrange duas fases com marcas significativas nas dinâmicas sociais do referido grupo. A primeira de 1950 a 1959, pela valorização da arte makonde no mercado internacional da arte africana, pelo aumento do fluxo migratório para o Tanganyika, e pela formação de organizações de ajuda mútua e políticas lá instaladas. A segunda, de 1959 a 1974, pelos novos significados da arte makonde na luta pela independência de Moçambique e pelo projeto de consolidação de uma nacionalidade moçambicana. No intuito de compreender a referida produção artística em diálogo com a história política de Moçambique, o estudo elucidou, dentre outros aspectos, os sentidos dessa produção em diferentes contextos políticos e sociais e o papel da população makonde no processo de independência de Moçambique. A pesquisa se debruçou sobre fontes escritas constituídas por publicações e documentos do período colonial e sobre fontes orais, formadas, especialmente, por entrevistas realizadas com escultores atuantes nas esferas política e artística no período colonial. / This thesis focuses on the connections between the production of wooden sculptures, known as mashinamu or makonde art, and Mozambiques history under the point of view of the makonde population and its political and artistic participation in the country, from 1950 until 1974. This period comprehends two essential moments for the groups social dynamics: the first, between 1950 and 1959, is characterized by the appreciation of makonde art in international African art markets, the growth of the migration flow towards the Tanganyika and the formation of mutual assistance organizations and policies that had been created there. The second moment, between 1959 and 1974, consists in the new significance makonde art undertakes in Mozambiques independence struggle and the project for the consolidation of a Mozambican nationality. With the intent of understanding the artistic production in relation to Mozambiques political history, this thesis elicited, among other aspects, the meanings of this production under different political and social contexts and the role of the makonde population in the countrys independence process. The research has looked into written registers consisting in documents and publications from the colonial period as well as into oral accounts, formed especially by interviews with sculptors who participated in the artistic and political spheres from the colonial period.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:48:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Silas Paulo Procopio do Monte.pdf: 627192 bytes, checksum: 139d9a6a40b5c8af865abcfc409d8a8c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-08-22 / Igreja Presbiteriana do Brasil / The aim of this dissertation is to investigate and analyze the formation of the subjectivity and the religious praxis of the youth, emphasizing main lines: struggles, violence and mediation. The main lines in this dissertation are related to the finding out of youth struggles and violence manifestations, as well as the meaning of the vision of each one involved in, considering the intrafamily relationship and also their peer interactions. The researching locus covered the intrafamily and the peer mutual interactions in the suburbs of Belo Horizonte city and its metropolitan area. Those areas are an environment of high social risk, worsened by the lack of basic social and public political agendas. With the interest of understanding each religious level of the youth, I take to start two possible observations: the nuclear and the monoparental family formation goes through a crises. Consequently, this has corroborated for weakening of the moral principle and value, producing struggles and violence. To understand the religious phenomeno used four shares the works: To know the Psychology of Religio by Anthony Avila and Adolescents in Conflict by Les Parrott. Surveys and interviews with teens and some social actors. Two studies conducted by the CIA, the statistical reports infractions relative the years of 2009 and 2010 the Court of the State of Minas Gerais. Finally, it will be demonstrated whether the lack of understanding and religious praxis among the youths interfere or not directly on the diverse behaviors, transforming them more vulnerable and violent. It is proposed also possibilities to mediate helping efforts through a supporting network, based on the interpretation of the Youth and Child Statute. / Nessa dissertação tenho como objetivo principal perceber e analisar a constituição da subjetividade e a praxidade religiosa dos adolescentes, priorizando os eixos centrais: conflitos, violências e mediação. Os eixos centrais dessa investigação estão relacionados ao descobrimento das manifestações de conflitos e violências dos adolescentes, bem como seu significado na visão dos principais atores envolvidos, considerando suas interações intrafamiliar e com seus pares. O locus dessa investigação aconteceu no convívio intrafamiliar e na interação com seus pares na periferia da cidade Belo Horizonte e região metropolitana. Essas regiões são de risco social elevado, com o agravante de escassez de políticas públicas sociais básicas. Objetivando compreender cada etapa da religiosidade dos adolescentes, parto de duas observações: a constituição familiar nuclear e a monoparental que passam por crises. Por conseguinte, isso tem corroborado para o enfraquecimento de valores e princípios morais, gerando conflitos e violências. Para compreender esse fenômeno religioso utilizei de quatro ações, as obras: Para Conhecer a Psicologia da Religião de Antônio Ávila e Adolescentes em Conflito de Les Parrott. Pesquisas e entrevistas estruturadas com adolescentes e alguns atores sociais. Duas pesquisas realizadas pelo CIA, dos relatórios estatísticos infracionais referentes aos anos de 2009 e 2010 do Tribunal de justiça do Estado de Minas Gerais. Por fim, demonstrarei se a falta da concepção e práxis religiosa entre os adolescentes interfere diretamente ou não nos mais variados comportamentos, tornando-os mais vulneráveis ou violentos. Proponho também possibilidades de mediar ajudas aos mesmos através da rede de apoio, a partir da leitura aplicativa do Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente.

O presente trabalho pretende discutir o tema da democracia a partir do pensamento de Axel Honneth, localizado no interior da tradição de pensamento que se convencionou chamar de Teoria Crítica da Escola de Frankfurt. Para tanto, realizará uma investigação cronológica dos principais antecessores de Honneth, com ênfase em Theodor W. Adorno e Max Horkheimer, como representantes da primeira geração, e em Jürgen Habermas, representante da segunda geração e orientador de doutorado de Honneth. Nesse percurso, o tema da democracia será examinado a partir das contribuições teóricas de tais autores. Objetiva-se, com isso, verificar, em primeiro lugar, a evolução desse conceito até sua consolidação na ideia de uma democracia participativa, concebida por Habermas e situada num contexto de crítica aos modelos tradicionais calcados na representação política. A partir daí, serão apresentadas as reflexões de Axel Honneth sobre o tema, a partir da categoria da Luta por Reconhecimento, que Honneth atualiza do pensamento do Hegel de Jena, em cotejo com autores da psicologia, com o fim de verificar se tais ideias correspondem a um modelo teórico novo de democracia ou se atendem, em específico, a preencher as lacunas da teoria habermasiana. Espera-se como resultado verificar tal indagação e, transversalmente, explorar as contribuições de uma abordagem calcada na Luta por Reconhecimento como uma maneira de lançar um novo olhar para os problemas da democracia contemporânea. / This paper will discuss the theme of democracy from the thought of Axel Honneth, locatead within the tradition of Critical Theory of the Frankfurt Eschool. To do so, carry out an investigation of the major chronological predecessors Honneth, with emphasis on Theodor W. Adorno and Max Horkheimer, as representatives of the first generation, and Jürgen Habermas, a representative of the second generation of doctoral supervisor and Honneth. Along the way, the theme of democracy will be examined from the theoretical contributions of such authors. The objective is, therefore, verify, first, the evolution of this concept to its consolidation in the idea of participatory democracy, conceived by Habermas and set in a context of criticism of the traditional models rooted in political representation. Thereafter, the reflections will be presented by Axel Honneth on the topic from the category of the Struggle for Recognition, Honneth updates of thought that Hegel\'s Jena, in comparison with authors of psychology, in order to ascertain whether such ideas are a new theoretical model of democracy or to serve, in particular, to fill gaps in the theory of Habermas. The expected results verify this question, and across, explore the contributions of an approach grounded in the Struggle for Recognition as a way to launch a new look at the problems of contemporary democracy.

This thesis analyses how South African former immigrants and refugees in Botswana have established transnational connections between their country of origin and their country of migration since 1957. The thesis develops across two main and overlapping strands: transnationalism and citizenship. Considering transnationalism, it argues that the migrants that have crossed the border from South Africa to Botswana (economic immigrants, refugees and freedom fighters) have established multi-layered transnational connections that stretch from their personal identity to the economic and political fields. These connections are contextualised within the broader labour migration movement in southern Africa and the anti-apartheid struggle. Furthermore, these links have allowed migrants to create a sense of community in solidarity with the struggle against white minority rule and to create spaces to set their survival strategies in order for them to decide, among a range of opportunities, what was most convenient to them. In this way, Botswana’s role as a transit corridor for refugees assumed different social meanings: a route to the northern territories of the continent, a temporary solution, a permanent settlement, a passage to return to South Africa for trained saboteurs. Considering citizenship, the thesis shows that South African migrants have conceptualised citizenship taking into account their transnational links but also Botswana’s processes of nation-building and citizenship construction. Migrants’ understanding of citizenship not always reflects Botswana’s official discourse. Because of this, migrants’ process of integration intertwined with their ways to cope with perceptions of discrimination and exclusion that have emerged in Botswana as a result of the nation-building process that privileges the eight Tswana tribes over minorities and naturalised citizens. This thesis is based on original research which drew on a number of methods including archival research and oral histories. It is also interdisciplinary in focus, drawing mostly on literature from sociology, history and migration studies, but also anthropology, geography and international relations. It thus contributes to debates on transnationalism, on citizenship in Botswana and on the country’s role in the South African liberation struggle.

Submitted by Jorge Silva (jorgelmsilva@ufrrj.br) on 2018-09-13T21:15:39Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2017 - Lucas Gabriel Franco Gomez.pdf: 2229201 bytes, checksum: c7e8fcf98fa1e47bea92cbe2d0345a6d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-09-13T21:15:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2017 - Lucas Gabriel Franco Gomez.pdf: 2229201 bytes, checksum: c7e8fcf98fa1e47bea92cbe2d0345a6d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-05-11 / The Baixada Fluminense has been marked by great social inequalities and barriers to the exercise of basic social rights. It is seen as a dangerous place, with a negative image built and consolidated by the media. In the search for actors able to act in the change of a terrain full of social ills, significant importance is given to education and school. It started from the basic assumption that educational work is the result of public policies and good teacher training, it depends on how it is perceived by the rulers and shaped by legislation. The conception of Brazilian educational policy in the field of teacher education and qualification brings throughout history fragile attempts at improvement, elaborated without the effective participation of the school population, far from the concrete reality and daily life of teachers. They aim to become a uniform, normative and guiding proposal for common action. However, they are strongly marked by the bureaucracy of educational organization, by the contrast between theory and practice, by disarticulation and discontinuity. The present dissertation was inserted in this problematic. It was found that most of the studies dealing with teacher training are basically focused on the analysis of national policy guidelines and few focus on small cities. In view of this, the objective was to identify how the national policies of teacher education were (re) formulated in Serop?dica and what their repercussions were. In other words, to identify the repercussions of the national policies in the municipal legislation and the impacts of the municipal legal devices in the process of formation of the teachers of the education network of Serop?dica. For this, a qualitative research was carried out, structured in a survey of the legal devices of municipal formation from 1997 to 2016 and in the accomplishment of semistructured interviews to capture the perceptions and positions of the Municipal Secretary of Education, Culture and Sport and of the State Union of the Professionals of Education - Core Serop?dica / Paracambi on these laws. This study has as theoretical reference the policy cycle approach of Bowe, Ball and Gold (1992) and Ball (1994) and Bourdieu's studies, understanding the political-educational process as a form of power dispute. It was also constructed from Saviani's considerations on teacher training. In chapter 1, a resumption of the main national training schemes was made from 1827 to 1988. Chapter 2 comprised a conceptualization of training policies considering the specificities of the legislative process, the contributions of Bourdieu's theory and the policy cycle approach. In chapter 3 the most recent national teacher training policies were studied from 1988 to 2016. In chapter 4 the results of the field research were analyzed with the analysis of the education policies of Serop?dica. It was concluded that the actions of the Municipal Government sought to formally comply with national legislation, however without giving an effective referral to the question of teachers. The municipal policies of formation reproduced the historical discontinuity of the present country since the first national formative initiatives of the eighteenth century, maintained in the nineteenth century through its legislative maintenance and still present in the twentieth century. / A Baixada Fluminense tem sido marcada por grandes desigualdades sociais e barreiras aos exerc?cios dos direitos sociais b?sicos. Ela ? vista como um lugar perigoso, com uma imagem negativa constru?da e consolidada pela m?dia. Na busca por atores capazes de atuarem na mudan?a de um terreno repleto de mazelas sociais, ? dada import?ncia significativa ? educa??o e ? escola. Partiu-se do pressuposto b?sico de que o trabalho educacional ? o resultado de pol?ticas p?blicas e de boa forma??o docente, ou seja, ele depende de como ela ? percebida pelos governantes e moldada pela legisla??o. A concep??o de pol?tica educacional brasileira no campo da forma??o e qualifica??o docente traz ao longo da hist?ria, tentativas fr?geis de melhorias, elaboradas sem a participa??o efetiva da popula??o escolar, distantes da realidade concreta e do cotidiano dos professores. Almejam tornar-se uma proposta uniforme, normativa e norteadora da a??o comum. Contudo, s?o fortemente marcadas pelo burocratismo da organiza??o educacional, pela contraposi??o entre teoria e pr?tica, pela desarticula??o e descontinuidade. A presente disserta??o se inseriu nesta problem?tica. Foi constatado que a maioria dos estudos versando sobre a forma??o de professores concentra-se basicamente na an?lise das diretrizes pol?ticas nacionais e poucos enfocam esta realidade em cidades pequenas. Diante disto, objetivou-se identificar como as pol?ticas nacionais de forma??o docente foram (re) formuladas em Serop?dica e quais foram suas repercuss?es. Em outras palavras, identificar as repercuss?es das pol?ticas nacionais na legisla??o municipal e os impactos dos dispositivos legais municipais no processo de forma??o dos professores da rede de ensino de Serop?dica. Para isto foi realizada uma pesquisa qualitativa, estruturada em um levantamento dos dispositivos legais de forma??o municipal de 1997 a 2016 e na realiza??o de entrevistas semiestruturadas para captar as percep??es e posi??es da Secretaria Municipal de Educa??o, Cultura e Esporte e do Sindicato Estadual dos Profissionais de Educa??o - N?cleo Serop?dica/Paracambi sobre estas leis. Este estudo teve como referencial te?rico a abordagem do ciclo de pol?ticas de Bowe, Ball e Gold (1992) e Ball (1994) e os estudos de Bourdieu, compreendendo o processo pol?tico-educativo como uma forma de disputa de poder. Foi constru?do tamb?m a partir das considera??es de Saviani sobre forma??o de professores. No cap?tulo 1 foi feita uma retomada dos principais dispositivos nacionais de forma??o de 1827 a 1988. O cap?tulo 2 compreendeu uma conceitua??o das pol?ticas de forma??o considerando as especificidades do processo legislativo, as contribui??es da teoria de Bourdieu e da abordagem do ciclo de pol?ticas. No cap?tulo 3 foram estudadas as pol?ticas nacionais de forma??o docente mais recentes de 1988 a 2016. No cap?tulo 4 foram apresentados os resultados da pesquisa de campo com a an?lise das pol?ticas de forma??o docente de Serop?dica. Concluiu-se que as a??es do Governo Municipal buscaram cumprir formalmente a legisla??o nacional, contudo sem dar um encaminhamento efetivo para a quest?o dos professores. As pol?ticas municipais de forma??o reproduziram a descontinuidade hist?rica do pa?s presente desde as primeiras iniciativas formativas nacionais do s?culo XVIII, mantidas no s?culo XIX atrav?s de sua manuten??o legislativa e ainda presentes no s?culo XX.

Thesis (M.A. (History)) --University of Limpopo, 2018 / Student activism is a global phenomenon which mostly refers to work by students to cause political, environmental, economic, or social change. Most countries have benefited tremendously from student activism. For example, the students have played a central role in the independence and anti-colonial struggles in most African countries. The dissertation focuses on an exploration of the role played by University of the North student activism in the struggle against apartheid from 1968 to 1994. This was a period which was characterised by an upsurge of the nationalist struggle in South Africa led by political organisations such as the African National Congress (ANC), the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC), Azanian People’s Organization (AZAPO) the South African Communist Party (SACP) and United Democratic Front (UDF). Student organisations such as South African Student Organisation (SASO), University Christian Movement (UCM), South African National Students’ Congress (SANSCO), Azanian Student Organisation (AZASO) and many others played a significant role. The dissertation deployed both primary and secondary sources. Secondary data was derived from published and unpublished dissertations, journal articles, newsletters, books and autobiographies. Primary information was obtained through archival materials, official university documents, speeches and, unstructured and interactive interviews in order to provide evidence for the nature and character of student activism in the university. Periodisation theory as articulated by Hollander, Rassuli, Jones and Farlow (2005) was utilised to interpret and illuminate the political struggle activities of the student activists. This theory was the most appropriate frame to tackle student activism because it divides the chronological narrative into separately labelled sequential time periods with distinct beginning and ending points. The investigation reveals that the dominant ideology at the beginning of the period under investigation was Black Consciousness inspired by Steve Biko. However with the lapse of time this ideology was watered down by the liberal ideology which underpinned the Freedom Charter. The student activists operated within organisations such as SASO, UCM, AZASO, SANSCO and many others. The dissertation also reveals that while the students were relatively successful in mobilising the support of rural schools and communities, they also faced vicious repression by the apartheid security establishment. The dissertation lays a solid foundation for further critical historical investigation.

The need for mental health service is increasing in American Indian/Alaska Native (AI/AN) communities. While research has examined the availability, access, and effectiveness of provided services to the AI/AN, very little is known about the influence of the attitude and perceptions of both clinicians and clients in their therapeutic relationship in the treatment process. Using the frameworks of liberation, oppression, and trauma theory, this qualitative phenomenological study explored mental health service delivery and utilization issues within an AI/AN community. Data were collected through semistructured interviews with 14 clinician and client participants. The data were sorted into themes and subthemes and analyzed using the NVivo 11 computer software. Intergenerational struggle represented the primary theme and other subthemes such as assimilation, acculturation, and communication were among some of the secondary themes gathered from the data. Analysis of the themes provided greater insights into the dynamics of the participant's lived experience in various organizational structures within the larger community as well as a better understanding of mental health service delivery and utilization in maintaining sobriety in their daily struggles. The results indicated that intergenerational struggle along with other environmental factors were the chief causes of their cyclical journey through the penal and other systems; thus reducing their ability in maintaining longer sobriety and in improving their mental health. The implications for positive social change in this study include the reduction of stigma associated with these health issues through the education of the community and in training clinicians in factor-specific issues impacting life altering critical events in AI/AN struggles.

English language learners (ELLs) from an urban high school in the southeastern United States struggled to achieve reading proficiency on the federally mandated reading assessments. The purpose of this case study was to gain an understanding of ELL teachers' perceptions about how using effective vocabulary pedagogies affected the reading comprehension of high school ELLs. Guided by Vygotsky's theory of development, the research questions of this study addressed ELL teachers' perceptions of vocabulary instruction and its effect on reading comprehension. The purposeful sampling included 5 high school teachers, an administrator, and an English for students of other languages compliance specialist, who met the criteria of having the experience of providing instruction and/or support to ELLs. These participants were asked during their interviews about their perceptions of vocabulary instruction to improve the reading proficiency of the ELLs, effective vocabulary strategies that affect ELLs' reading comprehension, and the various methods that support and hinder vocabulary instruction to ELLs. Interviews and observations were used to collect data. Data were analyzed using thematic coding to organize the participants' responses through occurring themes and sorted categories. Participants' responded that there should be more professional development about ELL vocabulary instruction and practices. The culminating project may lead to improved instructional vocabulary strategies that will provide an impetus to respond to the learning requirements of all ELLs, resulting in positive change through increased reading success for ELLs in the district at large.

The object of interest in this essay is the issue of reducing work hours and how that issue was handled in the Trade Union Confederation (LO). In previous research the struggle for shorter work hours has been viewed as a struggle between trade union and employers’ organizations. The previous research has had difficulties in explaining LOs part in this struggle, their actions have not been the expected. LO had not played an active part in the struggle for shorter work hours and the previous research has not been able to given a satisfying explanation for this. In this essay the starting-point is another. The issue of reducing work hours, this essay argues, was a problem for LO. The problem consists of the need for LO to mark against communism, both inside and outside of the organization. But this essay also argues that the issue of reducing work hours is in it self subversive and therefore a problem for the reformist LO. From this staring-point the essay analyses the view of the issue of reducing work hours in LO during the period of 1945-1967. The conclusion in the essay is that LO disarmed the issue of reducing work hours, making it harmless. By shifts in conceptions of needs, the possible and conceptions of time and development the issue of reducing work hours was disarmed. The disarmed issue enabled LO to unite the organization in the delicate matter without the risk of pursuing a subversive issue.