This dissertation examines how different forms of state capacity affect the decision of terror groups to end their campaign. Building a theoretical framework about the relationship between state capacity and terrorist group termination, I address the following research questions: How do terror groups respond to the changes in non-repressive forms of state's capacity, such as bureaucratic capacity, extractive capacity, and how do those responses of terror groups affect the chance of their demise? How do the changes in non-repressive forms of state capacity affect the likelihood of termination of particular types of terror groups, specifically ethnic terror groups? And finally, how do security forces representing repressive capacity of states affect the probability of a terrorist group end? I argue that as the state fighting the terror group increases its capacity, that will generate an incentive for the terror group to respond to increasing state capacity to secure its survival and maintain its existence. As the terror group produces responses to increasing state capacity in terms of rebuilding its capacity to operate and keeping its popular support base intact, it will be less likely to end its terror campaign. This argument is particularly relevant for terror groups operating on behalf of a certain ethnic or religious group. I test this theory by doing a cross-national quantitative analysis as well as doing a qualitative analysis on the PKK's terror campaign in Turkey in the period of 1984-2013. I find that increasing extractive capacity and bureaucratic capacity of states encourages terror groups to engage in coercive and non-coercive actions to survive increasing state capacity, thereby reducing the chances of ending its terror campaign. I also argue that security forces, who represent repressive capacity of states, also play a role on the decision of terror groups to end their campaigns. By focusing exclusively on militarized law enforcement forces, I contend that the presence of these forces might either enhance the chances of survival of terror groups or increases the risk of the demise of these groups. Whether having these forces increases or decreases the likelihood of terror group end is a function of the capacity of the state to control the actions and behaviors of security forces. By constructing a time series cross-sectional data set on militarized law enforcement forces, I test these arguments and find that having militarized law enforcement forces decreases the risk of terror group end, but as the state's bureaucratic capacity increases, having these forces increases the likelihood that the terror group will decide to end its campaign. These empirical findings have several theoretical implications for the extant literature on state capacity and terrorism, and they also have implications for policymakers in terms of designing an effective counter-terrorism policy to deal with the threats from terrorist groups.

Thesis (M.S.)--University of Oregon, 2007. / Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 112-119).

The influence of the role identity expectations of Turkish Hizbullah's leadership on actual members' terrorist identities was documented in this dissertation. This study explored the leadership's identity expectations from members through content analyses of four books written by major figures of Hizbullah. Those books were selected following comments of the literature and expert suggestions. Eleven identity features stood out. These content analyses also revealed that leadership had different expectations from political wing members and military wing members. The following six identity features were listed as expected more from military wing members: belief in jihad and resistance, desire for martyrdom, embracing the hierarchical structure, depersonalization, hatred against enemies of God, and aloneness. Whilst cemaat (religious congregation), being religiously educated, patience (gradualism), dedication to a Muslim brotherhood, and being politically active were listed as expected identity attributes of political wing members. Qualitative analyses investigated these identity features using the available literature and 144 handwritten reports of actual Hizbullah members. To confirm the findings of content and qualitative analyses, quantitative analyses were conducted on the relatively representative sample (144 reports). The results of cross-tabulation and logistic regression demonstrated that two (out of 6) military wing and two (out of 5) political wing identity expectations were not manifested on actual members' Hizbullah identities.

Die Arbeit analysiert, wie die FATF als zwischenstaatliche Organisation, die internationale Standards zur Bekämpfung von Geldwäsche und Terrorismusfinanzierung entwickelt, arbeitet und welchen Einfluss sie ausübt. Anhand der Methodik der FATF wird sodann Empfehlung Nr. 5 der FATF untersucht, die Vorgaben zur Kriminalisierung von Terrorismusfinanzierung enthält. Eingegangen wird hierbei auf die Umsetzungsgesetze der USA, Frankreich und Großbritanniens als maßgeblichen Akteuren bei FATF. Sie prüft zudem, inwieweit Deutschland die Vorgaben dieser Empfehlung erfüllt. Im Mittelpunkt steht eine praxisorientierte Analyse, die sich nicht nur auf die theoretische Diskussion, sondern auf konkrete Umsetzungsaspekte und Herausforderungen im deutschen Rechtssystem und in der praktischen Anwendung konzentriert. Der Entstehungsprozess von Empfehlung Nr. 5 und dessen praktische Auswirkungen auf deutsche Strafrechtsnormen werden kritisch beleuchtet und die Herausforderungen bei der Umsetzung der Terrorismusfinanzierungsbekämpfung in Deutschland aufgezeigt. / The dissertation analyses, how FATF as an intergovernmental organization, that develops international standards to combat money laundering and terrorist financing, works and what influence it exerts. Using the methodology of FATF, recommendation 5, which specifies the requirements of the offence of terrorist financing, is examined. The legislation in the US, France and the United Kingdom, as the major player at FATF, are taken into consideration. It is analyses, whether German legislation fulfils these requirements. The work is a practical analysis, that focuses not only on theoretical discussions, but on specific implementation issues and challenges in the German legal system and in practical law enforcement. The genesis of recommendation 5 and its impact on German criminal law provisions are critically examined and the challenges of combatting terrorist financing in Germany are shown.

Terrorism is a modern and constantly developing problem which has been threatening and noticeably affecting the protected interests and built-up values of states. Terrorist groups strive to spread fear, violence, opinions, and ideas to reach their goals through attacks on the population. Today, even countries that have not faced this threat yet, are confronted with this problem. Modern trends and new technologies along with the migration crisis cause that we face this threat in our homes more than ever before. The upraise of The Islamic State can be considered as a phenomenon of today, which has infected practically whole world and gives a space to various individuals to commit terrorist attacks under the auspices of this organization, or just provides instructions on committing such acts for any reason and with different aims. It is necessary to respond adequately to this threat, and it is necessary not to remain only with regret after every terrorist attack. It is essential to monitor the latest trends in terrorist attacks same as fighting against them, which in consequence will help us to set up operational procedures how to deal with these kind of incidences. There is also a need for a strong political spectrum which understands that these measures will never be profitable or popular, however its necessary it keeps supporting them.

La notion de terrorisme international relève de deux critères, l’un emprunté à des actes qui constituent l’assise de l’action terroriste, l’autre tiré de circonstances particulières, qui tiennent à une relation avec une entreprise individuelle ou collective ayant pour but de troubler gravement l’ordre public par l’intimidation ou la terreur. La communauté internationale est confrontée depuis la fin de l’effondrement de l’Union soviétique à l’internationalisation d’un mouvement radical extrémiste l’organisation wahhabite Al-Qaïda. Les attaques terroristes organisées par cette mouvance menacent aujourd’hui la sécurité mondiale. Ses actes extrémistes, criminels et terroristes visent à tuer les gens sans distinction entre les enfants et les femmes, car ils ne considèrent pas comme interdits de tels actes. La scène internationale est devenue de plus en plus menacée par l’idéologie wahhabite d’origine saoudienne à laquelle appartenaient quinze des dix-neuf kamikazes de New York et Washington. Face au problème que pose le terrorisme, les Etats ont réagi, mais chacun à sa manière, en prenant des mesures nécessaires en fonction de leur propre système juridique. Leurs objectifs sont de renforcer la répression, de faciliter le travail des enquêteurs et de rendre les jugements plus rapides. Le plus souvent, de nouvelles lois pénales ou de nouveaux textes ont été adoptés par les Parlements dans plusieurs Etats pour lutter contre ce phénomène international. Les réponses juridiques des droits nationaux restent jusqu’à présent les véritables instruments de lutte contre les actions terroristes. Elles sont l’occasion d’approfondir les réflexions sur les motivations profondes des terroristes, leurs méthodes et leurs objectifs. Elles permettent de réprimer le financement des mouvements terroristes et le blanchiment d’argent, en se basant sur les directives internationales du GAFI et du Comité Contre le terrorisme (CCT). Mots clefs en français : Lutte antiterroriste, légitime défense, agression armée, coopération européenne, menace terroriste, approches et lacunes juridiques / The notion of international terrorism is based on two criteria: one borrowed from actions that constitute the foundation of terrorist acts, the other drawn from particular circumstances coming from a relationship with an individual or collective organization whose objective is to seriously damage public security by intimidation or terror. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, the international community is confronted by a radical extremist organization wahhabite Al-Qaïda. The terrorist attacks organized by this movement threaten global security today. These extremist criminal terrorist acts target civilians without distinction - women and children included - because they do not consider such acts as forbidden. The international scene has become more and more threatened today by wahhabite ideology whose Saudi origins included fifteen of the nineteen suicide-bombers responsible for the September 11, 2001 attacks on New York and Washington. Faced with the problem posed by terrorism, the international community reacted, each in their own way, by taking necessary measures that conform to their own legal system. Their objectives are to reinforce repression, facilitate the work of investigators and speed up court decisions. New penal laws or new texts have been introduced by several countries in order to confront this international phenomenon. The legal responses of national laws remain until today veritable instruments of confrontation against terrorist acts. These laws serve to deepen the understanding of terrorist motivations, their methods and their goals. By basing these laws on the international directives of the GAFI (Groupe d'Action financière) and the Committee Against Terrorism (CCT), they also serve to combat the financing of terrorist movements as well as money laundering. Keywords : anti-terrorist struggle, international law, European cooperation, extremist criminal terrorist acts

Thesis (D. Min.)--Covenant Theological Seminary, 2006. / Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 223-227).

Techn. Univ., Diplomarb.--Berlin, 2005.

Thesis (D. Min.)--Covenant Theological Seminary, 2006. / Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 223-227).

Although it is widely recognized that Muslims and Middle Easterners were negatively portrayed in the media after the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001, few scholars examine the long term media presentations of Islam in the United States. The studies that have explored the relationship of the portrayal of Islam by the media have used short term, limited sampling techniques, which may not properly reflect the popular media as a whole. The current research uses data from the New York Times from 2000-2008 in order to determine whether the popular media was portraying Islam in a disparaging manner. The analysis includes the use of noun phrases in the publications in order to establish if the media portrays Muslims and Islam negatively. In particular, I am interested in the trends of this media's representation of Islam, if the publications promoted a stigma towards Islam, and if the trend continued from 2000 to 2008. The results of the analyses are presented and discussed. The need for additional research in this area is also discussed.