The aim of this work is to analyze the relationship between R2P and violent regime change. The work gives an overview of the establishment of R2P on the international scene, and then deals with its problem of selectivity in its application in practice. Despite the formal adoption of R2P in 2005 by all UN member states, R2P has been since then applied to similar cases of humanitarian crises in different ways. The problem of selectivity of R2P is fuelling the criticism of its legitimacy, because it is according to many a mean for achieving regime change. The most important reason for R2P's criticism is the connection between R2P and violent regime change, and that is the central theme of this work. Based on an analysis of the documents which form R2P, the work concludes that military intervention under R2P must not be deliberately used for regime change. However, there may be situations, when regime change is necessary for the protection of civilians; which means that regime change can be regarded as legitimate only if it is as an indirect result of the intervention. Therefore regime change is an integral part of R2P. The work aims to explore this ambivalent relationship and find out, where lies the boundary between legitimate overthrowing of a régime for the protection of civilians, and regime...

Ce travail de recherche a pour objectif d’analyser les différentes initiatives de partenariat liant les pays méditerranéens avec l’UE, ainsi que l’élucidation des différents degrés d’engagement et d'implication de ces pays et sous-groupements régionaux dans ces initiatives. Il vise également à dévoiler les différents atouts et faiblesses qui caractérisent les relations Euro-méditerranéennes. La finalité de ce travail de recherche consiste à éclaircir les enjeux de ces relations et la justification de l’utilité de rapprochement entre les pays Sud-méditerranéens avec l’UE dans un espace géographique restreint et dans un cadre historique limité. Ainsi, cette analyse s’est focalisée sur les différents atouts politiques, économiques et sociaux ayant marqué les relations euro-méditerranéennes, durant la période allant de la Chute du Mur de Berlin (1989) jusqu'à l'échec du Printemps Arabe (2013). A l’issue de cette thèse, plusieurs alternatives et pistes de réflexion ont été suggérées, dans la perspective d’éviter les raisons d’échecs déjà constatées et afin de contribuer à l’édification de fondements solides susceptibles de concourir à la réussite des futurs partenariats et initiatives de coopérations euro-méditerranéennes. / This thesis is attempting to analyze the various partnership initiatives between the Mediterranean countries and the EU, as well as the different degrees of commitment and involvement of these countries and sub-regional groupings in these initiatives.It also aims at revealing the different strengths and weaknesses that characterize the Euro-Mediterranean relations.The purpose of this research work is to analyze the issues of the Euromed relationships and the size of building links between the Mediterranean countries and the EU in geographically restricted space and during a limited historical period. This analysis has focused on the different political assets, economic and social issues which characterized the Euro-Mediterranean relationships, especially in the period from the fall of the Berlin Wall (1989) until the failure of the Arab Spring (2013). Following this work, several alternatives and ideas have been suggested, with a view to avoiding the failure of stakes already recognized.The objective is to contribute to analysis of creating new strong frameworks which may contribute to the success of the future partnerships and initiatives in relation to the euro- Mediterranean cooperation.

The diploma thesis named British reaction to the Arab Spring events in the context of United Kingdom's relations with Persian Gulf countries is concerned with an impact of the revolutionary events of 2011, known as the Arab Spring, on bilateral cooperation between United Kingdom on one side and Bahrain, Qatar, United Arab Emirates and Oman on the other. While using quantitative analysis approach, it depicts how the Persian Gulf developments were reflected by prominent British representatives and members of the Cameron coalition government. Since the government promised to approach foreign policy matters through a liberal-conservative lens and also planned to further deepen its relations with Persian Gulf countries, the Arab Spring events can be interpreted as a clear dilemma for British policymakers. This thesis aims to answer whether such dilemma forced the government officials to re-asses the traditionally warm attitudes towards Persian Gulf and additionally, it demonstrates which spheres of their cooperation were threatened the most. Firstly, the bilateral relations between United Kingdom and Persian Gulf countries between 1971 and 2010 are described. Then, the focus moves towards the Cameron coalition government and its foreign- policy aims. In its final part, the thesis focuses on British...

The aim of this master thesis is to analyze political regime of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan and to find out some possible effects, which could have had an influence on its stability and survival in the last 25 years. The Jordanian political regime had gone through several crises in the examined years. Not only did it survive all of them but also became stronger. Which factors caused the survival of the regime? In the first part of the thesis we typologize the regime from three possible perspectives (institutional, formalistic and legitimation). The second part deals with an analysis of factors, which enable the survival of Jordanian political regime. The emphasis is given on the role of institutions.

Examining any topic in the Middle East requires a general knowledge because of the region's complexity and dynamics. Important characteristics is the link of Islam and politics, because this relation shaped political establishment of states. The strategic location and rich natural resources of this part of the world were tempting also for the global superpowers whose engagement divided the Middle Eastern states, particularly during the Cold War. An analysis of the factors and events that led to the formation of alliances and rivalries in the Middle East is the goal of this work. Research will focus on alliances of Iran and its Shia allies on the one hand and Saudi Arabia with the rest of Sunni monarchies on the other. Unlike other alliances mentioned in the work, these two blocks have long term character. They are also specific because of sectarian differences, their stance towards the United States and Israel and shared responses to emerging threats. Historical development of Middle Eastern alliances begins with the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire, continues with the both World wars, the Israeli-Arab conflict, the Islamic revolution in Iran and other milestones which were meaningful in shaping inter-state relations in the region. The modern period moves from invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq to...

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While the (re)conquest of Arabia as manifest in 2003 Iraq, and 2006 Lebanon, were respectively Act I and II accenting sovereign figures exercising necropower by adjudicating (il)legal doctrines (i.e., pre-emptive defense strategy) legalizing extrajudicial techniques of violence founded on discursive technologies of racism, I argue that the “Islamist Winter” – temporarily dubbed the “Arab Spring” in 2011 – is Act III reifying similar legal doctrines (i.e., Bethlehem Legal Principles) and a (secular) linear temporal perception of time seeking to implement a New Middle East (NME) that is no longer “resistant to Latin-European modernity” but amenable to such inclusive exclusion historicist telos. The importance of “creative anarchy” as a positivist legal technique in producing chaotic developments such as carnage and a “crisis” or “emergency” of displacement – with sovereign members of jus gentium authorizing agents of terror (i.e., death squads/war-machines) – is that it reveals the deadly technologies of racism and relations of enmity inherent in sovereignty as a positivist juridical concept endowing sovereign figures with the power to formulate legal doctrines that ultimately subjugate Arab life to the power of death (necropower). Therefore, one of the main questions orbiting the writing of this dissertation is interested in deconstructing and critiquing jus gentium – by adopting a Third World Approach to International Law (TWAIL) in tandem with necropolitics and biopolitics as paradigms of analysis – to disclose that it is because jus gentium valorizes positivist jurisprudent scholastics postulating an unbridgeable cultural gap between an Athenian mode of Being as a universal sovereign subject, and a Madīnian mode of Being as the particular object denied sovereignty, that leads ratiocinative sovereign figures to legally exercise necropower on the Arab body. Therefore, the following chapters seek to go beyond the limited (post-colonial) idea asserting that the problem with international law is that it is primarily “Eurocentric” since the simple solution to such a claim would be to include the non-European body in International Law. Rather, the primary question constellating this monograph is: what are the experienced consequences of being temporally included and what are the experienced consequences of being temporally excluded from a legal regime (i.e., jus gentium) reifying a Latin-European philosophical theology universalizing a particular set of liberal-secular cultural mores as a “cultural benchmark” (i.e., purity-metric) in order to be-come imagined as temporally “inside” jus gentium? / Thesis / Doctor of Social Science

The goal of this study is to generate a more holistic picture of the diffusion and assimilation of universal human rights norms in diverse cultural and political settings such as the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). The overarching question to be investigated in this thesis is the relationship between the evolving international human rights regime and the emerging human rights normative and legal culture in the Middle East. This question will be investigated in detail with reference to regional human rights schemes such as the Arab Charter of Human Rights, as well as local human rights developments in three Middle Eastern states, Egypt, the United Arab Emirates, and the Islamic Republic of Iran. Having gauged the take-up of human rights norms on the ground at the local and regional levels, the thesis examines in full the extent of socialisation and internalisation of human rights norms across the Middle East region at large.

This dissertation examines the representations of Casablanca in Moroccan cinema and their articulation of postcolonial subjectivity since the 1990s. To overcome a deep economic recession and simmering social unrest in the early 1980s, Morocco embarked on a comprehensive programme of structural adjustment policies under the aegis of the International Monetary Fund. Market reforms ushered in novel forms of spatial development and social relations in Moroccan cities over the next decades. In the cultural field, a popular cinema emerged in the early 1990s and has projected the complex structures of everyday life in urban space. The New Urban Cinema (NUC) has anchored national cinema in the everyday life and affective economy of a society in transition. The country’s largest city, Casablanca, is the setting for some of NUC’s most original portrayals of the Moroccan subject under globalisation. Taking space, affect and violence as intertwined sites of film analysis, my research project closely examines the new forms of postcolonial subjectivity that have evolved in Morocco through this cinema. Twenty films are read against the backdrop of neoliberal Casablanca and the social, economic as well as political transformation of Morocco and the world under globalisation. The dissertation combines close textual analysis with a cultural studies perspective, which situates films in their historical contexts of production and reception in Morocco and beyond. Drawing on postcolonial, film and urban studies, my aim is to contribute to interdisciplinary scholarship on cinematic responses to neoliberal globalisation, and to a social history of contemporary Morocco.

L’essor des chaînes satellitaires arabes à l’échelle régionale et mondiale a métamorphosé l’espace médiatique arabe. Le début des années 1990 annonce la mondialisation, et l’acquisition de la technologie satellitaire dans les pays arabes semble être le début d’une nouvelle ère dans une région où se conjuguent la rentabilité financière et l’influence politique et idéologique des acteurs. Les chaînes de télévisions d’information en continu sont le modèle approprié qui traduit ce schéma dans une région politiquement, économiquement et culturellement complexe. C’est l’avènement d’Al Jazeera et sa couverture de la guerre en Afghanistan en 2001 et par la suite la guerre en Irak en 2003 qui a bien façonné une large proportion de l’opinion publique arabe. D’autres chaînes arabes du même genre en quête d’influence se sont multipliées en un temps record dans cet espace médiatique, telles qu’Al Arabiya, Al Manar, ONTV, Al Mayadeen et d’autres, le transformant ainsi de façon radicale. L’audience arabe est également convoitée par des chaînes occidentales arabophones financées par les gouvernements respectifs de leurs pays comme la chaîne américaine Al Hurra, française France 24, britannique la BBC Arabic ou allemande DW . L’étude porte sur le rôle de ces chaînes d’information dans les changements qu’a connus et connait à l’heure actuelle la région du Moyen Orient, et leur degré d’engagement pour la diffusion et l’ancrage des valeurs et pratiques démocratiques. Dans quelle mesure les métamorphoses propres de ces chaînes sont susceptibles de révéler les transformations les plus profondes des sociétés arabes? L’objet de cette recherche est de saisir les modalités de l’avènement des chaînes de télévisions d’information en continu, de définir les objectifs de leur création et d’identifier les acteurs de toute sorte afin d’en discerner les conséquences sur le plan médiatique et géopolitique. / The Arab TV satellite channels’ growth at the regional and global scale metamorphosed Arabic media space. The early 90s impulse globalization and satellite technologies’ acquisition by Arab countries seems to be the beginning of a new era in this region where combined financial profitability, political influence and ideological actors. TV Channels rolling news and continuously broadcast information are the appropriate model that reflects this scheme in a region politically, economically and culturally so complex and mostly complicated. It is the advent of the Arab TV channel Al Jazeera and its Afghanistan war coverage in 2001 and thereafter the Iraq war in 2003 that have shaped a huge proportion of Arab public opinion. Other TV channels of the same kind are multiplied and diversified in a record time, such as Al Arabiya, Al Manar, ONTV, Al Mayadeen, etc. Arabic audience is also coveted by Western Arabic TV channels financed by western countries and their governments, such as the U.S. channel Al Hurra, French once 24 French, British one BBC Arabic or the German one DW. The study focuses on the role of the TV channels specialized on news in r evolutions known and continuously know at present the Middle East region.What is the degree of their commitment to broadcasting and anchoring universal values and democratic practices? What is the degree of influence may reveal changes in the Arab societies? The purpose of this research is to understand how the advent of TV Channels rolling news, set goals, and identify actors in order to recognize the consequences over the media plans and geopolitical perspectives.