Between the 1930s and mid-1980s, North Carolina became one of the most industrialized states in the country, with more factory workers, as a percentage of the total workforce, than any other state. And yet, North Carolina generally retained its rural complexion, with small factories dispersed throughout the countryside, instead of concentrated in large industrial cities. This dissertation asks two essential questions: first, how did this rural-industrial geography come to be, and second, what does the creation of this geography reveal about the state of the American political economy in the post-World War II era? I argue that rural industrialization was a central goal of North Carolina’s postwar political leaders and economic development officials. These industry hunters, as I call them, wanted to raise their state’s per capita income by recruiting manufacturers to develop or relocate operations in North Carolina. At the same time, they worried about developing large industrial cities or mill villages, associating them with class conflict, congestion, and a host of other ill-effects. In the hopes of attracting industry to its countryside, the state invested heavily in its secondary roads and highways, increasing the accessibility of rural communities. In their pursuit of rural industrialization, however, North Carolina also constructed a political economy that anticipated the collapse of the New Deal state. While historians typically see New Deal liberalism as the prevailing form of statecraft in the postwar United States, North Carolina achieved economic growth through a model that state officials termed “accessible isolation.” What accessible isolation meant was that North Carolina would provide industries with enough of a state apparatus to make operating a factory in a rural area possible, while maintaining policies of low taxes, limited regulations, and anti-unionism, to make those sites desirable. Essentially, industry hunters offered industrial prospects access to a supply of cheap rural labor, but isolation from the high wages, labor unions, government regulations, and progressive tax code that defined New Deal liberalism. Accessible isolation was attractive to businesses in postwar America because it offered a “business-friendly” alternative to the New Deal, and factories began sprouting throughout rural North Carolina. But the success of accessible isolation was built on a shaky foundation. Indeed, most of the employers persuaded by its promises were those in low-wage, labor-intensive industries, making North Carolina’s rural communities especially vulnerable to transformations in the global economy by the late twentieth century. / History

This thesis concentrates on a local union of the International Association of Machinists (IAM), District Lodge 776, of Fort Worth, Texas, during the war years. The main argument of the thesis runs along three basic lines. First, it demonstrates that the experiences of the Fort Worth Machinists clearly fit into the national labor movement during the war years. Second, it argues that the existence, survival, and strength of the union depended greatly on outside forcesan expanding national economy, a powerful national union, and a generally labor-friendly government. Third, it shows that union officers and rank-and-file members used their bases of strengththe national economy, the national IAM, and the federal governmentto build an effective local labor organization.

This thesis is an attempt to render theatrically the establishment and eventual dissolution of the Federal Theatre Project, from the point of view of its appointed director Hallie Flanagan. Drawn from a variety of historical sources, including subjective first-person accounts and objective transcripts of congressional investigation testimony, the play approximates the structure of the Living Newspaper, a style of presentation adopted by the Federal Theatre Project. This thesis also includes an appendix, which details my playwriting process for this particular play, from initial concept through to production.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T19:34:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Raisimar Arruda da Silva.pdf: 954249 bytes, checksum: df0e9c2e39b9781d99758742dc25dc45 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-05-18 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This dissertation is subject an examination of the orthography developed by Rafael Bluteau. It follows the line of research of history and description of the Portuguese language. The season is marked in the pseudoetimológico precisely in the second half of the seventeenth century and the first of the eighteenth century. Since the purpose of regulating the spelling Portuguese Bluteau edit spelling rules and laws, based on the origin of words. The topic will be corpus the Vobabulario Portuguez and Latino. The questioning of this research is the discovery of spelling rules, which have not yet been achieved, today. In other words, to what extent the problems pointed out by Bluteau repeat, in the nineteenth century. It is in this plot of inaccuracies that need arises to search for such problems. The objective that guides this research is to contribute to studies of the spelling of the English language. Therefore, described the rules of spelling Rafael Bluteau, and then make the comparison with the New Deal Checker. To give methodological foundation for this research, we followed the tenets of historiography Linguistics, based on work by Konrad Koerner through its three principles: context (retracted Bluteau the historical and cultural context of his time), immanence (described in and then explain its proposal spelling, using your terminology) and use (closer to the proposed Rafael Bluteau with the New Accord, using modern terminology). The results were satisfactory. After examining the spelling of Rafael Bluteau to compare it with the New Accord, there was some rejection of his spelling rules by the Portuguese society of the eighteenth century, due to the naturalness of the author, although there was political will on the part of D. John V / Esta dissertação de mestrado tem por tema um exame da ortografia elaborada por Rafael Bluteau. Segue a linha de pesquisa da História e Descrição da Língua Portuguesa. A época demarcada encontra-se no período pseudoetimológico, precisamente, na segunda metade do século XVII e na primeira do século XVIII. Tendo o propósito de normatizar a grafia portuguesa, Bluteau edita regras e leis ortográficas, baseadas na origem das palavras. O tema abordado terá como corpus o Vobabulario Portuguez e Latino. A problematização desta pesquisa consiste na descoberta de regras ortográficas, que ainda não foram alcançadas, nos dias atuais. Em outros termos, em que medida os problemas apontados por Bluteau se repetem, no século XXI. É nesse enredo de imprecisões que surge a necessidade de busca para tais problemas. Assim, o objetivo que norteia esta pesquisa é contribuir com os estudos da ortografia da língua portuguesa. Para tanto, descreveu-se as regras ortográficas de Rafael Bluteau, para depois efetuar a comparação com o Novo Acordo Ortográfico. Para dar fundamento metodológico a esta pesquisa, foram seguidos os postulados da Historiografia Linguística, baseados no trabalho de Konrad Koerner por meio de seus três princípios: contextualização (retratou-se Bluteau no contexto histórico-cultural de sua época), imanência (descreveu-se para depois explicar a sua proposta ortográfica, utilizando a sua terminologia) e adequação (aproximou-se a proposta de Rafael Bluteau com a do Novo Acordo, utilizando a terminologia moderna). Os resultados obtidos foram satisfatórios. Após examinar a ortografia de Rafael Bluteau para depois compará-la com a do Novo Acordo, verificou-se certa rejeição de suas regras ortográficas pela sociedade portuguesa do século XVIII, devido à naturalidade do autor, apesar de ter existido vontade política por parte de D. João V

In March 1933, the administration of United States President Franklin D. Roosevelt initiated a national relief program aimed at alleviating the disastrous effects ofthe Great Depression. The Civilian Conservation Corp (CCC) began as one of these programs designed to employ young men from all over the country and put them "back to work". The CCC provided these young men with training, a monthly stipend, and basic supplies such as food, clothing, and accommodations. After 1942, CCC camps were closed and many of these sites were abandoned or destroyed, leaving little historical documentation as to the experiences ofthe people involved. This project revolves around the archaeological investigations and data recovery of a CCC camp that was in operation from 1933-1942 in Zigzag, Oregon. This research analyzes the remains of the camp in order to gain further knowledge about this important period in American history, and more specifically, Oregon history. In assessing the material culture left behind, combined with the historical documents and oral history interviews, the goal of this project was to expand the historical and archaeological narrative of the CCC experience. More specifically, the aim of this research was to reveal the unwritten record of CCC camp life in a pivotal period of American history. The results of the historical archaeological research indicates that Camp Zigzag represents a community that participated in resistance related activities, such as drinking alcohol on camp property, but one that also adhered to the regulations of camp policy. Military-style order and training permeated even the surrounding architectural environment. The rituals of daily life in the structured order of the camp appear to have developed and formulated a strong sense of cohesion among the men. However, resistance-related items, such as alcohol bottles, suggest that Camp Zigzag enrollees resisted the authoritarian dynamic of the camp. Social drinking would have provided the men with a sense of solidarity and commonality that would have been maintained beyond the ideals of camp uniformity. This communal familiarity may have influenced the men's behaviour in daily camp routines, rituals, and work. Overall, the archaeological evidence depicts the Camp Zigzag community as united through the bonds of formality and in its resistance to it. Camp Zigzag offered a unique and unusually expansive window into not only the history of Oregon State, but into the history of our nation as a whole. The camp's archaeological assemblage remains as an important learning tool and its value far exceeds the humble nature of its material contents. It is a collection of untold stories representing the lives of young men and their families at a tumultuous turning point in American history.

Le présent mémoire porte sur le rôle de Steinbeck en tant qu'inteIlectuel libéral de gauche au cours de la dernière décennie de sa vie, soit les années 1960. Steinbeck est un écrivain américain qui vantait la ténacité et le courage du «petit peuple», ces opprimés économiques et sociaux, dans des écrits des années 1930, comme The Grapes of Wrath. Après avoir préalablement défini Steinbeck comme un intellectuel du «New Deal» durant la crise économique des années 1930 et avoir traité de ses actions et de ses écrits dans la période de la Deuxième Guerre mondiale, puis dans la période de l'après-guerre, ce mémoire s'étend sur le rôle de Steinbeck dans les années 1960. L'originalité de cette étude réside dans le fait que nous avons ciblé une période moins connue de Steinbeck, car celle-ci est vue comme un déclin dans la carrière de l'écrivain par plusieurs critiques. En effet, notre recherche nous a amené à remettre en question la thèse de nombreux critiques qui décrivent Steinbeck comme un néo-conservateur ou un conformiste désengagé vers la fin de sa vie. Contrairement à cette idée répandue, nous montrons que Steinbeck ne doit aucunement être mis de côté après 1960. Non seulement est-il resté toujours très actif au cours de cette période, sinon plus qu'avant, mais à l'aide de ses écrits et ses interventions en politique, Steinbeck a eu un impact sans précédent quant à la poursuite du libéralisme au cours de cette décennie. D'après nous, ce lauréat du prix Nobel voulait une poursuite du «New Deal», tout comme d'autres libéraux de l'époque. De fait, l'écrivain a joué un rôle majeur dans la dénonciation de l'immoralité qui sévissait dans la nation. Pour y remédier, Steinbeck se rapprocha, comme auparavant, de présidents et soutint leurs réformes. D'après lui, le président était un leader capable de redonner une direction à la nation en crise. De plus, il soutint ardemment le mouvement des droits civiques, bien qu'il ait été hostile au mouvement des jeunes et à la Nouvelle Gauche. Selon Steinbeck, le mouvement noir non violent voulait justement mettre fin au plus grand problème moral du pays, c'est-à-dire l'inégalité raciale. Steinbeck appuyait d'ailleurs de diverses façons des leaders noirs, tel que Martin Luther King, Jr. Comme le président, de par leurs actions héroïques, les Noirs pouvaient redonner un sens moral à la nation. Enfin, il fut un grand partisan d'une lutte anticommuniste dans le monde entier, comme ce fut le cas au Viêt-nam. Toutefois, il n'était aucunement motivé par un anticommunisme aveugle, mais visait plutôt une lutte contre l'immoralité aux États-Unis et la fin de la domination des communistes au Viêt-nam grâce à l'envoi de soldats courageux. Bref, ce grand intérêt de sa part pour améliorer la vie de nombreux Américains et aussi d'opprimés à l'extérieur du pays montre que l'historiographie de Steinbeck donnait, jusqu'à présent, une fausse réalité à propos de l'écrivain. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Guerre du Viêt-Nam, Intellectuels libéraux, John F. Kennedy, John Steinbeck, Lyndon B. Johnson, Mouvements sociaux, «New Deal».

Master of Arts / Department of History / Donald J. Mrozek / This work examines Maxwell M. Rabb's role in the area of civil rights and race relations from January 1953 through May 1958 during the administration of President Dwight D. Eisenhower. Rabb was the first Secretary to the Cabinet, a position created by Eisenhower. In his lesser known duty, Max Rabb quietly developed many aspects of President Eisenhower's civil rights program. Chapter One describes Rabb's pivotal role in ending segregation in the military establishment to include the Navy and the Veterans Administration. In this chapter Rabb is a lone operator, personally meeting with principal actors in the Eisenhower Administration and U.S. Congress to end segregation. Chapter Two examines how Rabb participated in and helped to develop the various organizations of the White House. As the organizations within the Eisenhower White House matured, Rabb was able to use them as roads into the problem of civil rights and to use their power to advance civil rights. The final chapter focuses on the confluence of race relations and human rights on the one hand with U.S. domestic and foreign policy on the other. The chapter uses four cases studies to illustrate the growing importance of American race relations in world affairs after World War II. Max Rabb's participation in each case serves as a reminder that the American domestic sphere had become a cause of international concern and could damage the credibility of U.S democratic values in the a world where racial sensitivity was on the rise and increasingly a factor in international relations. This work ends by concluding that Rabb's effectiveness was severely limited by President Eisenhower's narrow understanding of the limits of government. Rabb was a New Deal Republican serving in the administration of a man who rejected the activism required by New Deal Liberalism. Though Rabb served Eisenhower well, it was Eisenhower who failed to sense the full scope of the problems in U.S. civil rights and race relations.

L'émergence du droit de la consommation en tant que discipline autonome, peut être analysée dans les effets qu'elle a produits dans le discours juridique dans sa globalité, de diverses manières. Lors des célébrations de l’anniversaire de la signature du Traité de Rome qui a jeté les bases de l'Union Européenne actuelle, on doit souligner que « L'UE a largement amélioré la vie quotidienne de ses citoyens». Qu'en est-il plus précisément de la protection des consommateurs? Sans l’Europe, le droit de la consommation ne se serait pas développé aussi solidement qu'il ne l’a fait aux cours des quarante dernières années. Le droit européen de la consommation trouve sa source essentielle dans le programme préliminaire d'avril 1975 pour une politique de protection et d’information des consommateurs qui a énoncé cinq droits fondamentaux : droit à la protection de la santé et de la sécurité, droit à la protection des intérêts économiques des consommateurs, droit à la réparation des dommages, droit à l’information et à l'éducation, droit à la représentation. Le E-commerce (achat et vente de services et produits via Internet) a transformé notre manière de consommer, offrant aux consommateurs plus de choix qu'auparavant. Mais il soulève également de nouveaux problèmes, qui doivent être réglés. Les conditions de protection des consommateurs différent encore beaucoup d’un pays à l'autre. Si dans certains pays, 76% des consommateurs déclarent se sentir suffisamment protégés par les mesures existantes, dans d'autres ce chiffre tombe à 28%. Or, depuis qu’ils ont rejoint l’Union européenne, les pays de l'Est de l'Europe, généralement situés assez bas sur l’échelle de satisfaction, ont vu ces pourcentages s'améliorer de façon importante. / In regulatory jurisdictions that provide for this consumer protection is a group of laws and organizations designed to ensure the rights of consumers, as well as fair trade, competition, and accurate information in the marketplace. The laws are designed to prevent the businesses that engage in fraud or specified unfair practices from gaining an advantage over competitors. Furthermore the importance of the consumer protection is to safeguard the consumer from exploitation. In the absence of consumer protection, consumers were exploited in many ways for example sale of unsafe products, adulteration and hoarding of goods, using wrong weights and measures, charging excessive prices and sale of inferior quality goods. Through various Consumer Protection Acts, business organizations are under pressure to keep away from exploiting consumers. Consumer protection law is considered an area of law that regulates private law relationships between individual consumers and the businesses that sell those goods and services. In 2018, the European Commission is proposing a New Deal for Consumers to ensure that all European consumers fully benefit from their rights under Union law. A study on transparency in online platforms, also published, supports the New Deal’s proposals on online market places. Finally, the different theories show the sophisticated aspects of the French consumer law which has been developing since the Code Napoleon.

The aim of this thesis is to investigate how digital activism is conducted on Twitter, particularly in relation to the dialogues and demands for Europe’s green economic recovery plan from COVID-19. It seeks to analyse the communication made using #GreenRecovery on Twitter by various actors over the period of May to June 2020, guided by the theory of public sphere and social movement and literature on digital activism, hashtag activism, Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) and Corporate Political Activity (CPA) using a qualitative and quantitative content analysis.By analysing the frequency patterns of tweets and by uncovering the different types of communication, this paper sheds light on the users involved as well as the issue frames and mobilisation strategies that were visible in the #GreenRecovery discourse . Results of this study demonstrate that #GreenRecovery is used by varying actors on Twitter such as individuals, social movements, businesses and others. Furthermore, the hashtag has been used to raise awareness, communicate particular information, mobilize action and also employ assertion as dominant digital spectator activity. Tweets with #GreenRecovery was primarily framed towards the need for a redesign of the economy, indicating demands for changes in policies by targeting accounts of political actors from the EU Commission. It is further implied that during the discourse, #GreenRecovery acted as a structural signifier as a response to the leaked proposal of the Recovery Plan demonstrating that it has the potential to create hashtag communities.

No description available.