This thesis seeks to explain the evolution of non-state welfare provision in the People’s Republic of China under Xi Jinping and his recent predecessors. In particular, it examines the emergence, spread and institutionalization of a policy of government contracting services to non-governmental organizational (NGOs) and related political dynamics at the national, local, and state-NGO interaction levels. This thesis makes several theoretical claims regarding the causes and process of institutional change and the political implications of these transformations. I contend that decentralization, international influences, and authoritarian consolidation have combined to produce gradual institutional change characterized by processes of layering, conversion, and drift. These incremental changes have led to local institutional frameworks and practices of government contracting that remain incomplete and beset by unequal power dynamics between party-state and NGO actors. Notwithstanding the intent to increase the supply of services and promote state-NGO collaboration at local levels, purchase-of-service contracting policies are inseparable from strategies of political control, consent making, and governing techniques deployed by the ruling party-state. This dissertation reveals the presence of informal rules and power relations between purchasers and regulators (local governments) and service providers (NGOs) behind the façade of increasingly institutionalized state-NGO partnerships and of market-based standardized bidding competition processes. In this context, NGOs have adopted mitigating and adaptive strategies in order to cope with new opportunities and constraints. This thesis draws on interviews with NGO leaders and subject matter experts conducted during fieldwork in Shanghai, Beijing and Nanjing. It also leverages policy documents, media sources, and an extensive review of distinct bodies of scholarly literature.

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<p>Policies of tenure mix have been widely adopted in many industrialized nations and are often justified as a means of attenuating the detrimental effects of concentrated urban poverty. In this thesis, the case of Toronto’s Regent Park community is examined. It is the first large-scale mixed tenure redevelopment of a publicly subsidized housing community in Canada. Using a series of 24 semi-structured qualitative interviews with residents from both tenures, I examine their experience of living in a mixed tenure community and gauge their support for policies of tenure mix more generally. Broader determinants of residential satisfaction in the neighbourhood are also examined. The redeveloped Regent Park is considered to be a relatively safe, convivial, well-serviced, well-situated, and aesthetically pleasing neighbourhood by individuals from both tenures. Further, participants from both tenures expressed support for the ostensible goals of the redevelopment. Resident experiences diverge significantly by tenure with regard to their satisfaction with the management and maintenance of their buildings. Particularly, individuals in the public buildings expressed considerable displeasure with how their buildings were managed and experienced serious physical difficulties that, in some cases, had adverse effects on their health and wellbeing. I find that tenure mix enjoys considerable support from residents of both tenures, with especially strong support evinced by a subset of condominium residents. To assess the efficacy of tenure mix, I employ a conceptual framework provided by Joseph (2006) and find some evidence that the redevelopment has strengthened the social capital of publicly-subsidized tenants. For most residents, more proximal concerns take precedence over the mixed nature of the community.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>This dissertation offers a critical analysis of State Anti-Racism in Ontario, Canada, from 1990 - 1995. Particular attention is paid to the politics surrounding the emergence and operation of a dedicated provincial agency - the Ontario Anti-Racism Secretariat (OARS). The study highlights the central role of social problems work and claims making in the determination of anti-racism policy.</p> <p>The nature of state anti-racisms in distinct areas of programming is accounted for in terms of the claims making activities of the parties involved in the policymaking process. I argue that stakeholders' influence on the nature of anti-racism initiatives varied depending on the particular realm of policy or programming under examination. State agents determined the nature of anti-racism in some areas, while community stakeholders held sway in other areas.</p> <p>The research draws on a variety of theoretical and methodological approaches to the study of the state and racial inequality from sociology, political science, and policy studies. Qualitative methods including open-ended interviews and content analysis of archival materials are used to account for different dimensions of state anti-racisms.</p> <p>Empirical evidence for this study comes from accounts provided by key players involved with anti-racism in Ontario including representatives from community groups, the Ontario Public Sector (OPS), academia, media, and the Ontario New Democratic Party (ONDP). Materials housed at the Canadian Jewish Archives and the Provincial Archives of Ontario were also used.</p> / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

My thesis examines the discursive similarities between the public political voice of Thatcherism and the "bureaucratic" policy voice of Community Care Documents. The similarities I am searching for between the rhetoric and the documents involve mythical representations of the family, the free market and the community. The argument of the thesis is that the construction of meaning in the policy documents is at least partially supported by discursive representations present in the public discourse. These representations mythologize: first, the role and form of the family; second, the role of women in caring within the family; and third, the role or capabilities of the market; and fourth; the "failings" and "breakdown" of the welfare system. I also argue that these representations exist within certain key social and economic conditions relating to "late capitalism" or more, exactly, the model of flexible accumulation and market regulation prevalent in Britain during the eighties. I conclude by arguing that if language does have a role in power relations, then it can be useful for policy analysts to learn some of the models of linguistic or discursive analysis. Such an inclusion would especially be useful in understanding the difficulties that women and other "minorities" have in finding a voice in the policy arena. / Master of Arts

Academics have majorly explored the positive and negative economic spillover and linkages effects of FDI on economic growth, local wages, productivity and technological knowledge. Nonetheless, alternative benefits induced by FDI on social development have been neglected to be explored in-depth, constraining scholarly contributions to welfare economics. Although preceding works have studied social development factors, they traditionally have been addressed as either positive, negative or neutral in different pockets of academic literature. Moreover, none of them offers a robust empirical/structural framework linking FDI and social development. Panel data figures of MNEs classified as FDI recipients in the Republic of Panama are employed in proposing an empirical/structural framework explanatory of the bidirectional association and causal mechanisms between FDI and social development, using the Social Progress Index as a proxy, moderated by proxy variables of productive linkages and household income. A lop-sided circle, negatively inclined on the association flowing from social development to FDI, is suggested to exist. A ‘weak’ positive effect of FDI on social development is found, supported by a locked-in stable loop of FDI yearly feeding on MNEs profit’s reinvestments. Social development is also found to be in a locked-in stable loop, directly exerting a ‘strongly negative’ impact on FDI, which suggests being a constraining determinant for the country to attract ‘green field’ FDI. The empirical/structural framework herein proposed aims to guide future academic research in welfare economics and also serve policymakers in Panama for understanding and structuring national policies to unlock the self-reinforcing path dependency mechanisms preventing social development potential from being unleashed.

Health is deemed central to a nation’s development. Accordingly, health care reform and expansion are key policy priorities in developing countries. Many such nations are now testing various methods of funding and delivering health care to local disadvantaged populations. Similarly, India launched the Rashtriya Swasthya Bima Yojana (RSBY) national health insurance programme for low-income groups in 2008. The RSBY intends preventing catastrophic health-related expenditure by improving recipients’ access to hospital-based care. This thesis is an in-depth qualitative evaluation of the RSBY in Delhi state. It examines the RSBY’s effectiveness in fulfilling its goals and meeting local health care needs. Walt and Gilson’s (1994) actors-content-process-context model informs the research design and an actor-centred “responsive” (Stake 1975) or “constructivist” approach guides data analysis. Three research questions are examined: (i). Why was a health insurance programme launched and why now? Why was this model favoured over alternate methods of service expansion? (ii). Is the RSBY delivered as intended? If not, why? (iii) How does the RSBY affect patients’ access to services? The findings are based on documentary sources, observation of implementation sites and activities and 164 semi-structured interviews with RSBY policymakers, insurers, NGOs, doctors, and patients. The results show improved access to curative and surgical care for RSBY patients. However, RSBY’s focus on hospitalisation and omission of primary and outpatient services had undesired negative effects. The lack of ambulatory facilities led RSBY patients to self-medicate or use dubious quality informal providers. By only allowing inpatient care, the RSBY also seemingly encouraged the substitution of outpatient care with costlier hospitalisations. In effect, the RSBY’s design contributed to cost increases and poor patient outcomes. While more funds and human resources were needed to improve RSBY implementation, the performance of frontline agencies could potentially improve through more stable, longer-term contracts. Similarly, modifying RSBY’s monetary incentives for doctors may lead to better service delivery by them. By evaluating the RSBY’s strong points and shortcomings, this thesis provides key lessons on strengthening policy design and health service delivery in developing countries. Thereby, it makes a broader contribution to understanding the determinants of successful policymaking.

In recent years, criminal justice reform has become a hot-button issue in public policy realm. Public officials, academics, and activists alike have brought issues like police brutality, mandatory sentencing laws, and illicit drug policy to the forefront of the American political conversation. In an effort to contribute to this ongoing conversation, this thesis will explore three main topics within the criminal justice reform debate in the United States and provide potential solutions that policymakers can implement. The topics include illicit drug policy, mass-incarceration, and policing methods.

The present thesis explores intersectional and institutional conditions for counteracting domestic violence in the Swedish welfare state. Empirically, the study focuses on professional discourses and practices concerning fathers’ violence against mothers and children in the context of separation, in three domains of practice: 1) Children’s education; 2) Disputes concerning custody, contact and residence; and 3) Welfare benefits such as financial aid. Theoretically, the study draws on feminist political theory and sociology, childhood studies and critical race studies. The empirical material consists of court orders and interviews with staff and victimised mothers. Two main social processes that undermine implementation of children’s rights are identified and discussed: Familialisation and selective repression. The thesis is based on four articles: Article I, (Skolan, familjerätten och barnen) School, family law and children exposed to violence, explores how staff at school and preschool understands their professional task, when in encounters with children in difficulties due to family law proceedings. The results suggest that two competing perspectives shape staff understandings of risks, solutions and violence. When arguing from the child’s rights’ perspective, the staff prioritises children’s safety and participation, while an upbringing perspective tends to construct violence mainly as a problem of order, with disquieting implications for vulnerable children. Article II, (Pedagoger i det sociala uppdragets gränstrakter: Att hantera familjerättsliga processer, hot och våld)Pedagogues in the borderland of their social task: Dealing with family law proceedings, threats and violence, investigates strategies used by preschool and school staff, when encountering gendered conflicts and violence between parents. How do the staff cope with their own and children’s vulnerability? An analytical model of six types of proactive and reactive strategies, ranging from keeping distance to normalisation of own vulnerability, is utilised in the analysis and discussed in relation to organisational and professional circumstances and intersecting social relations of inequality. Article III, Contact and evaluations of violence: An intersectional analysis of Swedish court orders, examines obstacles to implementation of children’s rights in contested parental contact cases in which there are indications of violence. The analysis shows that the contact presumption is strong, and generally overrides protection. This norm applies even where there are convictions or explicit reports of child abuse or domestic violence. In cases with ‘non-Nordic’ fathers however, the contact presumption is less likely to override protection than in cases with ‘Nordic’ fathers. Article IV, Financial oppression and post-separation child positions in Sweden, deals with post-separation child positions in two domains of practice in the Swedish welfare state: Welfare benefits such as financial aid, and child contact. The area of concern is financial oppression in the context of parental separation. Findings suggest that financial abuse in the context of parental separation is a non-question in the domain of welfare benefits, and in the domain of child contact framed as a conflict between equal parties. The age order as a form of domination may be reinforced by the practice of both domains.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This research assignment is a detailed descriptive investigation of the lobbying role played by the Disabled People South Africa (DPSA) in the post-apartheid era in South Africa. The period under investigation is 1994-2001. The focus is on the DPSA as a lobbyist attempting to influence policy in favour of the disabled people in South Africa. In doing this, the study gives an overview of the three important concepts in this study, namely policy-making, disability and lobbying. The three concepts are analysed and looked at particularly from a South Africa perspective. The study utilises different methods of data collection. Disabled people have a history of being exposed to discrimination. After 1994 South Africa had a Constitution that outlawed such a practice against disabled people. South Africa in its democracy has new policies that are different from the ones that were governing the country during the apartheid era. The DPSA, as an umbrella body representing the disabled, now has to play a more effective role regarding the advocating for its members. Hence this study is conducted during the 1994-2001 period. The study mainly focuses on what and how the DPSA has tried to influence lobbying policy-making in favour of the disabled. The conclusion of the study is that the DPSA has achieved success directly and indirectly. The DPSA has managed to playa significant role in the improvement of the lives of disabled people in South Africa. However, it is recommended that the DPSA should make more efforts in addition to what has been done up to this far. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie navorsingsopdrag is 'n gedetailleerde beskrywende studie van die rol wat die werwing van steun deur die Gestremde Mense van Suid Afrika (DPSA) in die postapartheid era 1994-2001 in Suid-Afrika speel. Die fokus is op die DPSA as 'n steunwerwer om die beleid te beïnvloed ten gunste van gestremde mense in Suid-Afrika. Deur dit te doen gee hierdie studie 'n oorsig van drie belangrike konsepte, naamlik beleidvorming, gestremdheid en steunwerwing. Hierdie drie konsepte is spesifiek vanuit 'n Suid-Afrikaanse perspektief ontleed. Die studie gebruik verskillende metodes om data te versamel. Gestremde mense het 'n geskiedenis van blootstelling aan diskriminasie. Na 1994 het Suid-Afrika 'n grondwet wat diskriminasie teen gestremde mense onwettig verklaar het. 'n Demokratiese Suid-Afrika het nuwe beleide wat verskillend is van dié wat die land tydens die apartheid era gehad het. Die DPSA, as 'n sambreelorganisasie, verteenwoordigend van gestremdes, moes nou 'n meer effektiewe rol speel in die verdediging van sy lede. Die studie fokus hoofsaaklik op die voordele wat die DPSA gekry het ten gunste van die gestremdes. Die gevolgtrekking van die studie is dat die DPSA direkte en indirekte suksesse behaal het. Die DPSA het dit reggekry om 'n belangrike rol te speel in die verbetering van die lewe van gestremdes in Suid-Afrika. Daar is nietemin voorgestel dat die DPSA meer pogings moet aanwend, addisioneel tot dit wat reeds gedoen is.