Submitted by isabela.moljf@hotmail.com (isabela.moljf@hotmail.com) on 2017-05-22T13:54:55Z No. of bitstreams: 1 flaviodossantosbrito.pdf: 1075059 bytes, checksum: d5948c9c2c578561ab52b111d064b4a4 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-05-22T17:36:48Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 flaviodossantosbrito.pdf: 1075059 bytes, checksum: d5948c9c2c578561ab52b111d064b4a4 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-05-22T17:36:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 flaviodossantosbrito.pdf: 1075059 bytes, checksum: d5948c9c2c578561ab52b111d064b4a4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-06-05 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / A questão social originária em meados do século XIX encontrou no mundo do trabalho o cenário profícuo para o seu desenvolvimento e rearranjos no transcurso do processo de desenvolvimento do sistema capitalista de produção. Deste modo, o entendimento acerca do processo sócio-histórico, se faz necessário para a implantação de políticas sociais idealizadas inicialmente ao enfrentamento da questão social e suas multifaces, em todo este período, de reducionismo e adoção de práticas compensatórias e imediatistas ao enfrentamento das refrações da questão social na atualidade. A questão social é deste modo, vista como indissociável do sistema capitalista de produção e do consequente efeito fragmentador da identidade de classe dos trabalhadores. A questão social integra assim, condições e dimensões de elementos históricos e subjetivos, que compreendem a ação dos sujeitos na construção da história e na busca por modificar a realidade estabelecida. Por isto, a análise apresentada nesta Dissertação, discorrerá sobre os padrões de intervenção estatal nas refrações da questão social inscrita nos períodos compreendidos pelas fases históricas do capitalismo, quais sejam o liberalismo, o neoliberalismo e socialdemocracia. Além disto, são também apresentados os debates produzidos acerca desta intervenção, particularmente ao que se refere ao debate desenvolvido na contemporaneidade, tomando como referencia a existência de uma “nova questão social”. / The social question originated in the mid-nineteenth century found in the work world scenario beneficial for their development and rearrangements during the process of development of the capitalist system of production. Thus, the understanding of the socio-historical process, it is necessary for the implementation of social policies devised initially to cope with the social question and its multifaceted, throughout this period, reductionism and adoption of practices and immediate compensation to cope with the refractions social issue of today. The social question is thus seen as inseparable from the capitalist system of production and the consequent effect of fragmenting the class identity of workers. The issue thus integrates social conditions and historical dimensions and subjective elements, which include the actions of the subjects in the construction of history and the search for modifying the established reality. Therefore, the analysis presented in this thesis, will discuss the patterns of state intervention in the refractions of the social question in the periods entered the historical phases of capitalism, namely liberalism, neo-liberalism and social democracy. In addition, discussions are also presented produced about this intervention, particularly when it comes to the debate developed in the present, taking as reference the existence of a "new social question."

Submitted by Leda Lopes (ledacplopes@hotmail.com) on 2017-03-10T11:48:28Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Rosana Alves Gomes - Dissertação.pdf: 1556606 bytes, checksum: d4b6cd81f3b853d96a5b1b59b72b0f64 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Aline Batista (alinehb.ufpel@gmail.com) on 2017-03-10T19:27:13Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Rosana Alves Gomes - Dissertação.pdf: 1556606 bytes, checksum: d4b6cd81f3b853d96a5b1b59b72b0f64 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Aline Batista (alinehb.ufpel@gmail.com) on 2017-03-10T19:28:39Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Rosana Alves Gomes - Dissertação.pdf: 1556606 bytes, checksum: d4b6cd81f3b853d96a5b1b59b72b0f64 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-10T19:29:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Rosana Alves Gomes - Dissertação.pdf: 1556606 bytes, checksum: d4b6cd81f3b853d96a5b1b59b72b0f64 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-10-31 / Debruçando-se sobre a relação ideologia e partidos políticos, o presente trabalho busca investigar a ação ideológica do Partido dos Trabalhadores na Câmara dos Deputados na 52ª legislatura. O objetivo é compreender o comportamento discursivo ideológico do PT para a área social, na esfera federal do poder legislativo. Objetivamos, também, identificar, quantitativamente, o número total de projetos de lei formulados para a área social, assim como conhecer, dentro da área social, os eixos temáticos privilegiados. Para tanto, analisamos os projetos de lei protocolados pelos parlamentares petistas, entre 2003 e 2007, à luz da metodologia de classificação ideológica dos partidos políticos, desenvolvida pelo grupo de pesquisa ―Ideologia e Análise de Discurso‖, vinculado ao PPGCPol da Universidade Federal de Pelotas. Nesta, os métodos adotados apresenta uma combinação da análise de discurso e da análise de conteúdo, a fim de mapear os sentidos ideológicos produzidos por parlamentares e o conteúdo dos projetos de lei de autoria dos deputados petistas, respectivamente. Seu aporte teórico está baseado na teoria do discurso de Ernesto Laclau e Chantal Mouffe. Como resultado da pesquisa, é possível afirmar que a bancada petista, na 52ª legislatura, foi interpelada por um discurso majoritariamente de esquerda, no âmbito da política social. Ainda assim, foi demonstrado também existência de PLs orientados pela ideologia de direta na produção legislativa petista, o que reforça a pertinência de uma análise não essencialista e monolítica dos partidos em termos ideológicos. / Leaning over relationship between ideology and political parties, this paper investigates the ideological action of the Workers‘ Party, in the Chamber of Deputies in the 52nd Legislature. The objective is to understand the ideological discursive behavior of the PT for the social area, at the federal sphere of legislative power. We also aim to identify, quantitatively, the total number of bills formulated for the social area, and to know the main thematic axes in the social area. To this, we analyzed the bills submitted by the PT congressmen between 2003 and 2007, under the methodology of ideological classification of political parties developed by the research group "Ideology and Discourse Analysis", linked to the PPGCPol of the Federal University of Pelotas. In this, the methods adopted present a combination of discourse analysis and the content analysis, in order to map the ideological senses produced by parliamentarians and the contents of the draft laws authored by the PT deputies, respectively. Its theoretical contribution is based on the discourse theory of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe. As a result of the research, it is possible to affirm that the PT party, in the 52nd legislature, was challenged by a major left-wing discourse at the scope of social policy. Nevertheless, it was also demonstrated the existence of PLs oriented by the ideology of right, in the production legislative of PT, which reinforces the pertinence of a non-essentialist and monolithic analysis of the parties in ideological terms.

A background of serious disparities in past welfare policies, legislation and programmes, necessitated the need for a far-reaching new social welfare policy in South Africa. The adoption of the White Paper for Social Welfare by Parliament in February 1997, set the path for the new social developmental approach to social welfare, dealing with key substantive issues in addressing the restructuring of social welfare services, programmes and social security. The Eastern Cape Province is one of the poorer provinces in South Africa. Negative radio and print media reports on social welfare in the province in the past three years has made it clear that serious problems and disparities face the provincial department. Several of these media reports highlighted issues relating to poor service delivery and unacceptable conditions of underdevelopment and poverty still prevailing in the province. The Eastern Cape Welfare Department has been plagued by fraud and corruption, and in a report of the Eastern Cape legislature’s standing committee on welfare in 2001, it was found that fraudulent activities, corruption and misconduct by government officials are still prevalent in the welfare department. The objective of this research was to assess whether the Eastern Cape Department of Social Development (Welfare) is implementing this new social developmental approach to social welfare, as set out in the 1997 White Paper for Social Welfare.

The purpose of the study was to analyse legislative changes in the Social Services Act and thereby understand what institutional logic governs the change in social policy regarding the activation of unemployed recipients during the period 2012-2016. In order to meet the purpose of the study, two of the Social Services Act's legislative changes and their preliminary work has been analysed. The text analysis has been conducted with inspiration from Carol Bacchi's (2009) method "What is the problem represented to be?". The empirical material has been analysed with neo-institutional theoretical concepts, focusing on Friedland & Alfords (1991) theory regarding institutional logic and the knowledge claims that exists within them. The results of the study indicated that the institutional logics which governs the change in social policy regarding the activation of unemployed recipients is an institutional logic of activation policy. The institutional logic of activation policy implies clear government control in terms of the social services mission towards unemployed recipients; that only the unemployed recipients who are active in the labour market and take active responsibility for their situation are entitled to social security benefits. This can be further elucidated by a description of how the goal of activation policy is to create the ideal citizen of society which is an autonomous citizen who is active and independent towards the welfare state. In this way, the activation policy logic has entailed a change in social policy, partly in regard to the social services mission with unemployed recipients and partly regarding those who receive economic social security benefits due to unemployment.

The CHT peace accord signed between the Government of Bangladesh and the PCJSS (Parbatya Chattyagram Jana Sanhati Samiti) in 1997 which recognized the re-establishment of the rights of indigenous people with the formation of local and regional councils as controlling and supervisory bodies over land and land management, law and order, civil administration, development programs; food, health, education, water and sanitation, forest and environment and many more. After more than a decade of signing the peace accord, it did not implement as historically the people are exploited. Human rights have been severely violated in the region for many years of the peace accord though the area is economically sound. In relating to the peace accord, the main argument of this thesis is to present the nature of the exclusion, deprivation, protect and prospects, economic rights of the ‘adivasi’ people especially Chakma in the CHTs in food and social security, health, water and sanitation, education and income via social policy perspective through using both of qualitative and quantitative method. In concerning to the objectives, the study has exposed that the income of the Chakma people in Sonai and Mayni is lower than the rest of the people of the country. They excluded from social safety net program and they have lack of social security. The study has also evidenced that the people have no access to safe drinking water and hygienic sanitation. They live in the fragile houses where have no any necessary household chores or furniture. In comparing to the education of the country, their literacy rate is lower than the mainstream people. In the Sonai and Mayni, health related service providing quality is not so good. The indigenous people need more care and the ‘social policy’ perspective has helped to play vital role in such situation.

Cette thèse vise à rendre compte du traitement public localisé des étrangers à Marseille. Il s’agit de montrer en quoi la présence locale d’individus en situation administrative et/ou sociale précaire constitue un enjeu pratique pour différents acteurs publics et privés, dans leur activité professionnelle quotidienne, et fait ou non l’objet de régulations spécifiques dans l’espace local. La thèse examine ainsi comment se façonnent des configurations d’action publique territorialisées autour de la condition sociale des étrangers. L’enquête a été menée entre mai 2011 et avril 2014 et repose sur un matériau composé d’entretiens, d’observations et d’archives publiques et privées. Le traitement public des étrangers est appréhendé à différents niveaux. La thèse étudie tout d’abord si et comment, le sort des étrangers précaires émerge comme enjeu dans l’action publique locale. Elle se consacre ensuite au décryptage de dispositifs associatifs de prise en charge de publics migrants, en mettant l’accent sur le travail de dirigeants associatifs de consolidation et de légitimation de leur activité dans différents espaces. La thèse interroge notamment les effets de catégorisation de l’action publique, en montrant en quoi ils débouchent sur un traitement public partiel et à la marge des étrangers précaires, faisant peser sur les acteurs qui s’y impliquent des contraintes contradictoires. A partir de l’étude du traitement public des étrangers précaires, cette thèse propose une réflexion sur les formes d’incertitude, en miroir, des professionnels chargés de compenser certains des effets liés à la mise en oeuvre de politiques migratoires restrictives / This dissertation aims to analyse how local public institutions manage immigrants in Marseilles. It sheds how the presence of individuals in situation of administrative and/or social precariousness represent a practical issue for different public and private actors, in their daily professional activity. It also looks at whether immigrants face (or not) specific regulations at a local scale. The dissertation discusses the role of foreigners' social condition in shaping public action patterns. Field research was conducted from May 2011 to April 2014. It includes interviews, direct observations, as well as public and private archives work. This dissertation looks at local public management of immigrants at different levels. First, it explores whether and how the question of precarious foreigners emerges as an issue for local public action. Then, it focuses on associations devoted to immigrants’ legal and administrative assistance. It emphasises on the work of associative leaders to consolidate and legitimise their activities in different social and professional spaces. The dissertation particularly questions the effect of public action in constructing categories that contribute to shape social perceptions, define situations and control access to resources. It shows how institutional categories result in a partial public management of the precarious immigrants, causing contradictory constraints to the actors involved. This dissertation suggests a reflection about the forms of uncertainty experienced by the professionals who are responsible for compensating some of the effects related to the implementation of restrictive migration policies

This bottom-up study argue that making of social politics occurs in the meeting between the citizen and the representative of state. In order to generate a deeper understanding of the production of politics, the aim of this study was to identify expressed motivators and arguments in relation to a specific policy, which would unveil the underlying rationalities of actions taken by the specific actors. The policy was introduced in the Växjö municipality in June of 2017 and has changed the benefit distributed by the social services for immigrants waiting to start an employment program through an employment bureau into a loan.  In-depth interviews study, a total of 9 interviews have been undertaken with; decision-making politicians, public officials working with the policy and service users who have been affected by the policy. The data was processed and analyzed according to themes and to theory on rationality. The results showed that the main rationality forming the actions of politicians and public officials was linked to their ambition of upholding an efficient use of resources for the benefit of municipality economy. The main rationality behind the actions of the service users was to obtain autonomi in their life. An important goal for both parties was that the service users should become self-sustaining. Furthemore, the politicians and public officials clamied the responsibility for goal-fullfilment to realy on the individuals and not on the municipality. In addition, the results of this study has revealed that the way that politicians and public officials´ view immigrants, has affected the framing of the policy, deriving from a paternalistic understanding. Service users in the study expressed eagerness and high motivation towards starting employment. However, service users in this study viewed the loan as a hindrance rather than a support towards accomplishing the goal of employment, thus becoming autonomic.

This study provides an empirical picture of the ways in which the New Public Management doctrine has been implemented in the context of post-Soviet states in Central Asia. Specifically, the data present evidence on the extent of school autonomy along six dimensions in the three states. The implications of the shift towards education decentralisation have been studied and explained. Based on a mixed method this evidence is drawn from three sources: surveys, interviews, and legislative analysis. With the research limitations in mind, based on the analysis undertaken, it is possible to identify some important messages regarding academic theory and education management practice. The first message is that neo-institutional theory, particularly historical institutionalism, has been supported by the evidence from the post-Soviet states. Despite quite diverse trajectories of the countries' political, economic and public sectors development over the last two decades, the policies promoted in education appear to be converging in both outputs and outcomes across the region. The three countries demonstrated persistent path-dependency through their inability to overcome institutional inertia, so that operational policy and structure dimensions have not been decentralized, combined with the effect of declining fiscal and bureaucratic capacity at the centre, so that managerial matters have been delegated to a school level. This trend was regional. The second message is that, the patterns observed in the three post-Soviet states displayed similarities to the patterns observed in education systems of the developed western democracies. Hence, the view that the structure of the post-communist welfare states is problematic, and that the particularities of their transition with budget cuts on top of the communist legacy and a hodge-podge of different approaches do not allow these states to be classified (cf. Orenstein 2008), has not been supported by the evidence. Education institutions in the three post-Soviet countries investigated conformed to a general West European pattern, although for different reasons.

The final thesis depicts historical development of social policy in the European Union. It describes the meaning particular members of EU attribute it. It characterizes different models of social policy and by comparing them across the EU it evaluates the efficiency and sustainability of such models. The thesis deals mainly with Czech model of social policy. It focuses on systems of social protection, incomes and expenses on social benefits and transfers and finally compares the particular structure of this issue within members of EU. It also tries to define the term "social state" and compares it with Swedish model of social state. It is focused not only on historical development but also address present issues, which modern models have to face. Based on economic indicators and characteristic variables it compares Czech model with presented Swedish model. Finally it focuses on new problems and challenges, which social policy has to deal with nowadays.

The post-conflict nature of the Kosovo society and economy led to an urgent need to address educational policy, specifically to raise the quality of the reconstituted formal schooling system. To address this priority major foreign aid and government subsidies were targeted at both the demand (students) and supply (school) side. One of the major contributors, the World Bank, aimed to improve the supply side by allocating development grants to schools in order to improve student performance. In this thesis the following four research questions are addressed: how appropriate are current evaluation strategies of education policy initiatives in developing countries, what has been the impact of school development grants on student dropout, attendance and student attainment, what are determinants of pupil dropout, attendance and attainment and what are the implications of the answers to the above questions for the reform of education policies in developing economies and the evaluation of policy initiatives. This is the first study that critically reviews previous attempts at evaluating educational initiatives in Kosovo and then employs econometric methods to measure the impact of school development grants on educational outcomes. A quasi experimental approach is utilised and comparisons made between schools with treatment and schools without treatment. A similar study for Cambodia serves as a reference for our research, though we have extensively refined the approach taken in that study. The empirical evidence presented in this thesis suggests at best only a marginal positive impact of these policy initiatives on educational outcomes. More specifically there is some evidence of reduced dropout but no effect is found on student attendance and attainment. These findings are consistent with the results of recent reviews of the literature on this type of policy initiative. This study seeks to act as an example of best practice which can be followed in future evaluations of policy initiatives in countries like Kosovo. It draws important conclusions about the need at the policy design stage to formulate appropriate evaluation strategy and to address related issues about data quality, collection and analysis.