On 27 February 2020, Erdogan announced that he would open the Turkish border, allowing refugees to cross into Europe. Greece’s response was the deployment of military forces and the suspension of asylum applications. This study theoretically draws heavily upon Giorgio Agamben’s work on biopolitics by analyzing discourses conducted by three representatives of the Greek government. It illustrates how the New Democracy party represents the arrival of asylum seekers at the Greek-Turkish border and investigates the rationale it developed regarding the implementation of the exceptional measures. The portrayal of asylum seekers as an ‘asymmetrical threat’ activates the biopolitical machine and through the exception, the sovereign exposes its raw power over the bodies of refugees, and the management of death becomes sovereign’s absolute objective. Consequently, the exception becomes indistinguishable from the norm and expands beyond the Greek-Turkish border, rendering those who dispute the Greek government’s practices as a potential homo sacer.

The lack of affordable housing has been a long-standing problem for many cities in Sweden, and the recent refugee crisis has only highlighted the difficulties for economically weaker constituencies to enter and sustain in the existing housing market. The pressing situation and a new law, obligating the municipalities to supply housing, forced the authorities to look for solutions. The thesis investigates the recent changes and use of one of these offered solutions – temporary housing permits. Using a qualitative approach, it tries to capture both the formative-discursive processes and the material outcomes of this measure, in order to understand what informs the decision and its possible implications. The study employs theoretical concepts from Giorgio Agamben’s theory on the ‘state of exception’, as I consider them important for the understanding of the processes. The interventions in the housing system are made possible only by declaring that the shortage of housing is in an ‘exceptional situation’, one that can only be resolved with irregular practices, exceptions from standard norm and regular procedures. A look into the legal-formative mechanisms and the materialization of the temporary housing permits is given. The thesis argues that a wider perspective is needed and tries to bring into the discussion the political and social aspects of using a measure like this one. Although conceptualized as a quick and temporary remedy, it is maintained that the utilization of temporary housing permits can potentially have harmful long-lasting effects on the understanding of housing provision, living standards, and planning processes. This suggests that authorities have to be careful when using exceptional measures and calls for a fundamental and systemic re-thinking of housing in general.

This research deals with the question of how detention of foreigners and the creation ofdifferent forms of detention centers have been rendered possible in the context ofSweden, from the early 1900s up until today. A qualitative content analysis is used toexplore four periods, in terms of the motivations and regulations that produce“detainable categories”, as well as the logic behind such practices of encampment.Drawing on the concept of the “state of exception”, and by using policy documents, thisresearch argues how the Government by gaining extended powers in different periods oftime justifies and regularizes the detention of foreigners. This has been done for thesake of security of the state, protecting the welfare and wellbeing of the nation. Thistells us that the creation and production of detainabilities is not only related toexceptional situations, but becomes the normal condition of the existence of the nationstate.

The so-called Second Czechoslovak Republic (1938-1939) is used to be portrayed as the dark age, when obscure, fascist elements came to lights. This period is ussually put in opposition to the previous First Czechoslovak Republic (1918-1938). In this thesis the main argument consist of questioning the continuity between these two allegedly contradictory historical times through the analysis of special legislation - state of exception -, which was adopted in purpose to deal with defending the democracy in Czechoslovakia between 1933 and 1938. The State Protection Act (1936) implemented into legal discourse special term for potential - in the case of war - enemies of the state: "state unreliable persons". This category of "reliability" was understood as nationality and part of far more complex national consensus by all contemporary agents, which legitimizes the state intervention primarily into the economic sphere. In the centre of national consensus stood transformed labour: collective duty for the nation. Until 1938, among contemporary agents, exists strong notion that realization the state of exception in the case of war and therefore national consensus cannot be fully realized because of international minority laws. But during the Second Republic (1938-1939) different agents used language of...

Este trabalho pretende investigar o percurso da política penitenciária brasileira contemporânea, partindo da aposta nas concepções humanizadoras e ressocializadoras do cárcere que a redemocratização tardiamente introduziu no país durante a década de 80, até seus desdobramentos que levariam a seu completo avesso. Assim, já no início da década de 90, um conjunto de medidas caracterizadas pela contínua supressão de direitos e pela maior punitividade das sanções impostas a acusados e presos acabou por instalar verdadeiros regimes de exceção dentro do sistema penal, nos quais a figura do sujeito de direito tende, gradativamente, a esvaecer. Outrossim, essa discussão está inserida a partir de um quadro teórico mais amplo que problematiza a persistência da prisão na contemporaneidade, não obstante a crise das disciplinas e a ordem de reconfigurações imposta pelas recentes transformações do capitalismo a todo um mundo social ancorado em suas representações. A análise das práticas e orientações adotadas mais recentemente pelo sistema penitenciário brasileiro é feita levando em conta a pertinência ou não dos deslocamentos ontológicos sugeridos pela literatura eleita neste estudo, a respeito das categorias que conferiam inteligibilidade ao crime, ao criminoso e à punição, e que se apresentam como centrais à compreensão da finalidade atribuída à prisão na atualidade. / This work intends to investigate the trajectory of Brazil?s contemporary penitentiary policy, starting from the bid for humanizing and rehabilitative conceptions of prison which redemocratization tardily introduced during the 80s, including its developments that would lead to its exact opposite. Therefore, already in the beginning of 90s, a set of measures characterized by continuous suppression of rights and greater punitivity of sanctions imposed to defendants and prisoners was able to install true regimes of exception within the penal system, in which the subject conceived tends gradually to vanish. Moreover, this discussion is inserted through a wider theoretical frame which discusses the persistence of prison in contemporaneity, albeit the crisis of disciplines and the sequence of reconfigurations imposed by recent capitalism transformations to a whole social world founded on its representations. The analysis of practices and guidelines lately adopted by Brazilian?s penitentiary system is conducted taking into account the pertinence or not of ontological displacements suggested by the literature elected for this study on categories which provided intelligibility to crime, criminal and punishment and that are presented as central to the comprehension of the goals referred to prison nowadays

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2019-03-15T12:26:15Z No. of bitstreams: 1 José Carvalho dos Reis Júnior.pdf: 738158 bytes, checksum: 7583a271ec7d7d59b2b4c03769b17b22 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2019-03-15T12:26:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 José Carvalho dos Reis Júnior.pdf: 738158 bytes, checksum: 7583a271ec7d7d59b2b4c03769b17b22 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2019-02-20 / The present thesis seeks to achieve a theoretical approximation between the concept of State of exception, as an expression of legal suspension of the norm, and the contemporary criminal and procedural Brazilian reality. For this purpose, we will make a picture of the constitucional criminal system of individual guarantees and liberties, presenting to the reader it’s line of action and the importance of the institutes in the democratic system model. In the following chapter we will reconstruct the concepts of State, Constitucional state, Liberal State of Law, Social State of law until we arrive at the current model, the democratic State governed by the rule of the law, demonstrating to the reader it’s bases and primacy. In the sequence we will trace the historical and philosophical evolution of the State of exception, starting from it’s core, in the Roman "iustitium", addressing here the conceptions formulated by Carl Schmitt and, at the modern time, by Giorgio Agamben. When approaching the state of exception, we will present its modern "branches" and its way of acting, notably the judicial activism, the central point of our study, as well as its differentiation with "decrees of urgency", in the Brazilian case the state of siege and of defense. In the last chapter we will present paradigmatic case studies of manifestation, even if shy, of the State of exception within the Brazilian legal regime, drawing the reader the risks of acceptance of this model, especially in the field of legal security and harmony of the system / O presente trabalho busca realizar uma aproximação teórica do conceito de Estado de exceção, como expressão de suspensão legal da norma, da realidade penal e processual brasileira contemporânea. Para tanto fazemos uma leitura do sistema de garantias e direitos individuais penais e processuais penais constitucionais, apresentando ao leitor seu âmbito de atuação e a importância dos institutos no modelo democrático garantista. No capítulo subsequente reconstruiremos os conceitos de Estado, Estado de direito, Estado liberal de direito, Estado social até chegarmos ao modelo atual, o Estado democrático de direito, demonstrando ao leitor suas bases e primados. Na sequência traçaremos a evolução histórica e filosófica do Estado de exceção, partindo de seu cerne, no iustitium romano, abordando aqui as concepções formuladas por Carl Schmitt e, contemporaneamente, por Giorgio Agamben. Quando da abordagem do Estado de exceção apresentaremos seus “braços” modernos e sua forma de atuação, notadamente o ativismo judicial, ponto central do nosso estudo, bem como sua diferenciação com os “decretos de urgência”, no caso brasileiro, o estado de sítio e de defesa. No derradeiro capítulo traremos estudos de casos paradigmáticos de manifestação, mesmo que tímida, do Estado de exceção dentro do regime jurídico brasileiro, desenhando ao leitor os riscos de aceitação desse modelo, notadamente no campo da segurança jurídica

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:23:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Henrique Candido da Silva.pdf: 950188 bytes, checksum: 6bb142ee2cd262b1efbc6e6bebd06ec1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-09-02 / The background to this paper is the challenging field of the human security, where the objects of reference are the State and the sovereign decision; and the main issue is the use of emergency measures, such as the humanitarian intervention. The aim of this paper is to contribute to the discussion about the priority between the safety of States or of human beings, especially when it comes to the paradox of the defence of Human Rights through force, or, in other words, protection of life through the production of death. In order to do so, the ontogenetic analysis of the state of exception will be employed, showing that the permission to the use of force, concretized through the humanitarian intervention, exposes man s humanity to something that can, simultaneously, save it and destroy it, constituting an autoimmune malfunction of the Law s autopoietic system. Our conclusion, therefore, is that the sedimentation of the idea of prevention in the global community is the most appropriate element to the safeguard of the Human Rights, and that the considerations on the legitimacy of humanitarian intervention prove themselves to be useless, be it because they constitute an immunizer instrument that searches its legitimation in the inclusion of life through its suspension, be it because it constitutes a pretentiously juridical action occurring in an anomic field where the corpus won the battle against the free man / O presente trabalho tem como pano de fundo o campo desafiador da segurança humana, onde o Estado e a decisão soberana são os objetos de referência; e o uso de medidas de emergência, como a intervenção humanitária, a preocupação central. Objetiva este trabalho contribuir com a discussão sobre a prioridade entre segurança dos Estados ou dos seres humanos, especificamente sobre o paradoxo da defesa dos Direitos Humanos através da força, ou melhor, da defesa da vida pela produção da morte. Para tanto, lançaremos mão da análise ontogenética do fenômeno estado de exceção, verificando que a permissão do uso da força, concretizada pela intervenção humanitária, expõe a humanidade do homem àquilo que pode simultaneamente salvá-la e aniquilá-la, constituindo, assim, uma disfunção autoimune do sistema autopoiético do direito. Concluiremos, portanto, que a sedimentação da ideia de prevenção na comunidade mundial é o elemento mais apropriado para a salvaguarda dos Direitos Humanos, e que restam inúteis as considerações de legalidade da intervenção humanitária, seja por se tratar de um instrumento imunizador que busca sua legitimação através da inclusão da vida por meio da sua suspensão, seja por constituir uma ação pretensamente jurídica incidente em um campo anômico onde o corpus ganhou a batalha contra o homem livre

A complexa filosofia de Giorgio Agamben convoca-nos a compreender a crise dos atuais modelos político-governamentais e a hodierna lógica da segurança que, sob a doutrina do medo orquestrado, visa à eliminação dos não-integráveis, como igualmente nos convida a abarcar na defesa de uma nova ontologia política além da tradição da soberania e do direito. Do confronto entre as conceituações semânticas do termo vida e da relação desta com o poder soberano, inclusive numa sociedade biopolítica de normalização, emerge o protagonista da obra agambeniana, a vida nua. Uma vida que não é inauguração moderna, mas atividade originária do poder soberano, quer dizer, uma vida que pode ser detectada tanto na pólis e na civitas - na figura do homo sacer -, assim como no totalitarismo moderno e, rasteiramente, na democracia em que vivemos. Trata-se de uma vida absolutamente matável e exposta à morte que, fundada numa relação de exclusão inclusiva, isto é, de abandono, revela o verdadeiro vínculo social. O que une vida e lei, violência e norma, é o estado de exceção. A norma se aplica à exceção desaplicando-se: a força-de-lei exercida no estado de exceção não põe, nem conserva, o direito, mas o conserva suspendendo-o e o põe excetuando-se. Uma figura em que factum e ius tornam-se indiscerníveis e homines sacri são produzidos a esmo; um espaço onde distinções políticas tradicionais como direita e esquerda, público e privado, perdem sua clareza e inteligibilidade. Uma indiscernibilidade que pode ser materializada no campo, seja de refugiados, seja de concentração, seja o hoje vigente e ainda inominado, de modo que o campo reflete o próprio paradigma da atualidade. Esta é a era da exceção em permanência. O caminho para a desativação dessa relação é a profanação, figura em que se busca uma nova forma-de-vida que não seja inaugurada pela lembrança teológica da política soberana e do direito, mas que reflita uma comunidade que vem capaz de desativar a máquina biopolítica produtora da vida nua e torne inoperante o atual conceito de político-jurídico: uma nova comunidade que pense além da soberania, do bando soberano e do próprio direito. Trata-se de uma comunidade de singularidades, sem identidade, sem propriedades e destinos, mas que seja pura potencialidade, que seja em si como ela é, quer dizer, que não possua qualquer tarefa enquanto fim, mas tão somente meios sem fins. / The complex philosophy of Giorgio Agamben summons us to review the crisis of the existing political-juridical models and the on-going governmental security rationale, which, based on a pre-oriented administration of fear, aims at eliminating those somehow non-adapted, as well as to join a defence towards a new political ontology beyond the tradition of sovereignty and law. Through the confront of semantically distinct definitions of life and its relation with the sovereign power, including under a biopolitical normalizing society, emerges the protagonist of Agamben`s work, the bare life. A life that is not a modern phenomena but the original activity of the sovereign power, that is, a life exposed to death that can be found either in the pólis or the civitas - in the form of homo sacer or in the modern totalitarianism as well as the democracy that we live in. A life that is permanently subject to death and, founded on an inclusive exclusion relation, that is, a relation of abandonment, exposes the real social bound. The state of exception links life and law, violence and norm. The law is applied through its own withdrawal: the force-oflaw exercised in the state of exception does not posit nor conserve the law, but conserves it through its suspension and posits it through the exception. A place where factum and ius are brought into conjunction and homines sacri are freely produced, a space where traditional political categories such as right and left, public and private, loses clearness and intelligibility. A zone of indistinction materialized in the camp, either of refugees or concentration camps or those in full force and effect and yet unnamed. The camp is the contemporary political paradigm and this is the era in which the exception becomes the rule. The way out to deactivate such relation is to profane, a political task in search for a new form-of-life that abolishes any remembrance of theological sovereign politics and law and that reflects a coming community able to turn inoperative the biopolitical machine producer of bare life: a new community that thinks beyond sovereignty, the sovereign band and the law itself. A community composed of singularities, with no identity nor properties or destinies, but pure potentiality. A community free of means in search for an end, but solely a community of pure means without ends.

Este trabalho pretende investigar o percurso da política penitenciária brasileira contemporânea, partindo da aposta nas concepções humanizadoras e ressocializadoras do cárcere que a redemocratização tardiamente introduziu no país durante a década de 80, até seus desdobramentos que levariam a seu completo avesso. Assim, já no início da década de 90, um conjunto de medidas caracterizadas pela contínua supressão de direitos e pela maior punitividade das sanções impostas a acusados e presos acabou por instalar verdadeiros regimes de exceção dentro do sistema penal, nos quais a figura do sujeito de direito tende, gradativamente, a esvaecer. Outrossim, essa discussão está inserida a partir de um quadro teórico mais amplo que problematiza a persistência da prisão na contemporaneidade, não obstante a crise das disciplinas e a ordem de reconfigurações imposta pelas recentes transformações do capitalismo a todo um mundo social ancorado em suas representações. A análise das práticas e orientações adotadas mais recentemente pelo sistema penitenciário brasileiro é feita levando em conta a pertinência ou não dos deslocamentos ontológicos sugeridos pela literatura eleita neste estudo, a respeito das categorias que conferiam inteligibilidade ao crime, ao criminoso e à punição, e que se apresentam como centrais à compreensão da finalidade atribuída à prisão na atualidade. / This work intends to investigate the trajectory of Brazil?s contemporary penitentiary policy, starting from the bid for humanizing and rehabilitative conceptions of prison which redemocratization tardily introduced during the 80s, including its developments that would lead to its exact opposite. Therefore, already in the beginning of 90s, a set of measures characterized by continuous suppression of rights and greater punitivity of sanctions imposed to defendants and prisoners was able to install true regimes of exception within the penal system, in which the subject conceived tends gradually to vanish. Moreover, this discussion is inserted through a wider theoretical frame which discusses the persistence of prison in contemporaneity, albeit the crisis of disciplines and the sequence of reconfigurations imposed by recent capitalism transformations to a whole social world founded on its representations. The analysis of practices and guidelines lately adopted by Brazilian?s penitentiary system is conducted taking into account the pertinence or not of ontological displacements suggested by the literature elected for this study on categories which provided intelligibility to crime, criminal and punishment and that are presented as central to the comprehension of the goals referred to prison nowadays

Submitted by Sandra Pereira (srpereira@ufrrj.br) on 2016-10-04T15:05:57Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2011 - Fernanda Maria da Costa Vieira.pdf: 2529012 bytes, checksum: 8d720183f132a0a02064c33bb6f76838 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-04T15:05:57Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2011 - Fernanda Maria da Costa Vieira.pdf: 2529012 bytes, checksum: 8d720183f132a0a02064c33bb6f76838 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-02-28 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior - CAPES / In 2007, as the dossier prepared by the Military Police which aimed to investigate the Movement of Landless Rural Workers and their links with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia in the north of Rio Grande do Sul, a series of legal actions have been developed , which disclose a conflict that surpasses the competition for territory and political projects and land from the Agricultural Federation of the State of Rio Grande do Sul X MST, with the significant role of the State and Federal Judiciary and the Ministry of Carazinho State and Federal Public , which features the criminal action based on the National Security Law (Law No. 7170/83) and public civil actions that aimed to reduce the performance of the MST, and the resolution of the Board of the Public Prosecutor decided that the extinction of the MST. We understand that the rescue of history that the criminal act is indicative of the current scenario of growth of speeches punitive brand of neoliberal hegemony, where there is an expansion of the processes of criminalization of poverty in general and social movements vindicated, territories marked by the unveiling concept of state of exception, while presenting a line (not so) continued with the colonial past, which is based on the notion of control and submission of the popular classes through the criminal statute. / Em 2007, a partir do dossi? elaborado pelo Brigada Militar, que se propunha a investigar o Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra e seus v?nculos com as For?as Armadas Revolucion?rias da Col?mbia na regi?o Norte do Rio Grande do Sul, uma s?rie de a??es jur?dicas foram desenvolvidas, que desvelam um conflito que ultrapassa a disputa pelo territ?rio e de projetos pol?ticos e agr?rios entre Federa??o da Agricultura do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul X MST, contando com a atua??o significativa dos Judici?rios Estadual e Federal de Carazinho e do Minist?rio P?blico Estadual e Federal, onde se destacam a a??o penal com base na Lei de Seguran?a Nacional (Lei n? 7170/83) e A??es Civis P?blicas que objetivavam reduzir a atua??o do MST, bem como a delibera??o do Conselho Superior do Minist?rio P?blico que deliberou pela extin??o do MST. Entendemos que o resgate da hist?ria que gestou a a??o penal ? reveladora do cen?rio atual de crescimento dos discursos punitivos, marca da hegemonia neoliberal, onde se percebe uma amplia??o dos processos de criminaliza??o da pobreza em geral e dos movimentos sociais reivindicat?rios, desvelando territ?rios marcados pelo conceito de estado de exce??o, ao mesmo tempo em que apresenta uma linha (n?o t?o) cont?nua com o passado colonial, que se assenta na no??o de controle e submiss?o das classes populares por meio do estatuto penal.