Este trabalho consiste numa análise sobre a configuração contemporânea do estado de exceção. Tornando-se atualmente a regra na atual experiência governamental, o estado de exceção tem extrapolado sua excepcionalidade e se constituído em técnica de governo. Recorrendo a leituras de Arendt e, principalmente, de Foucault, busco aqui caracterizar o sentido da biopolítica na sua concepção propriamente agambeniana. Em seguida, por meio do diálogo de Agamben com Schmitt, caracterizo a passagem do estado de exceção da excepcionalidade para a regra. Todavia, o ponto de fuga desta exposição é a busca de uma interlocução deste debate com o que Loïc Wacquant tem chamado de período de fortalecimento do braço penal do Estado. Recorrendo ainda a Melossi e De Giorgio, que concebem uma economia política da pena no capitalismo contemporâneo, intento chamar a atenção para o que considero um limite do pensamento de Agamben: o fato de ele não levar em conta as relações econômico-mercantis e sua expressão na luta de classes. Dessa forma, a proposta desta tese é pensar a segurança como paradigma contemporâneo da reprodução do capital e o Estado penal como sua expressão. / This work is an analysis of the contemporary state of exception. Currently becoming the rule in the present governmental experience, the state of exception has extrapolated its exceptionality and constituted into a technique of government. Drawing on readings by Arendt and especially by Foucault, I aim here in characterizing the meaning of biopolitics in its Agambenian design properly. Then, through Agambens dialogue with Schmitt I characterize the passage of the state of exception from exceptionality to the norm. However, the vanishing point of this exposition is to seek a dialogue between this debate and that Loïc Wacquant has called a period of strengthening of the punitive arm of the state. Using in addiction Melossi and De Giorgio, who conceive a \"political economy of punishment\" in contemporary capitalism, I attempt to draw attention to what I consider a limitation in Agamben\'s thought: the fact that he did not take into account the economic-commodities relations and its expression in the class struggle. Thus, the purpose of this dissertation is to think the safety as a contemporary paradigm of capital reproduction and Penal State as its expression.

The TV show is a central focus of American life, one that not only reflects but also produces social imaginaries for the American audience that support the way people interact and engage with reality. It is the nation’s most influential storyteller, which dominates the nation’s imagination and understanding of reality. This dissertation explores the political and cultural meanings of four TV shows from the George W. Bush era: The West Wing (1999-2007), Deadwood (2004-06), The Wire (2002-08) and Heroes (2006-10). In examining these TV shows, this dissertation aims to shed light on both the origins of the state of exception, its conduct, its purpose, and the possibility of meaningful critique of or resistance to the state of exception. Chapter I discusses The West Wing, focusing on President Bartlet’s decision-making process regarding the assassination of Abdul Shareef, so as to elucidate the decisive actions of a sovereign figure in a state of exception. Chapter II explores Deadwood’s resurrection of the nineteenth-century mining camp in our twenty-first century, in terms of the capitalist state of exception. In discussing the show’s portrayal of the conflicts among the main characters, this chapter reveals that the same sovereign logic of exception is innate in the expansion of capitalism. Chapter III examines The Wire’s depiction of rebellious petty-sovereigns such as Major Colvin, Detectives McNulty and Freamon. According to The Wire, the claims of equality are deeply urgent in the bleak reality of contemporary America. With their commitment to equality and justice, the petty-sovereigns intervene in the bleak reality in their subversive ways. Chapter IV explores Heroes’s rendering of the main characters’ struggles against a fictional national emergency, the Company’s conspiracy to blow up half of New York City. In this chapter, I argue that Heroes portrays a political subject that attempts to constitute itself outside biopolitical sovereign power—what Hardt and Negri would call the advent of the multitude. While explicating the struggles of the main characters, I argue that its limitation in envisioning a new world underscores how contemporary critics fail to see past sovereign politics when they imagine another world. / English

No description available.

According to the United States Department of Defense (DOD), as of 2013 there were over 12,000 DOD contractors supporting the U.S. mission in Iraq (DASD, 2013). This thesis explores the laws and legal systems that operate to keep contractors, and the companies that employ them, resistant to legal oversight. I ground my analysis in the 2007 Nisour Square massacre, exploring how every attempt to prosecute those responsible was doomed due to Blackwater’s legal position of being American-headquartered, hired by the State Department, privately owned, and operating in Iraq. I conclude that the legal indeterminacy of the US deployed security contractor normalizes violence towards Iraqi civilians while simultaneously downloading the risk and responsibility associated with the US war efforts onto the shoulders of individual contractors. Moreover, I suggest that this legal indeterminacy is of particular interest to geographers as it arises, in part, out of overlapping legal systems, jurisdictions, and authorities.

According to the United States Department of Defense (DOD), as of 2013 there were over 12,000 DOD contractors supporting the U.S. mission in Iraq (DASD, 2013). This thesis explores the laws and legal systems that operate to keep contractors, and the companies that employ them, resistant to legal oversight. I ground my analysis in the 2007 Nisour Square massacre, exploring how every attempt to prosecute those responsible was doomed due to Blackwater’s legal position of being American-headquartered, hired by the State Department, privately owned, and operating in Iraq. I conclude that the legal indeterminacy of the US deployed security contractor normalizes violence towards Iraqi civilians while simultaneously downloading the risk and responsibility associated with the US war efforts onto the shoulders of individual contractors. Moreover, I suggest that this legal indeterminacy is of particular interest to geographers as it arises, in part, out of overlapping legal systems, jurisdictions, and authorities.

Based on a discourse analysis of Swedish public investigations regarding immigration detention, this thesis examines the discourses around ‘foreigners’ therein. Rejected asylum-seekers awaiting deportation have gone from being systematically detained in prisons by the police, to instead be confined in detention centres administered by the Swedish Migration Board. Yet, an increased criminalisation is evident. Focusing, in particular, on the legal ambiguity that authorises the detention system to further detain and criminalise asylum seekers, it is argued that the practice of detention can be seen as ‘exceptional’ where discourses of care, suspicion and fear constitute subjectivities such as the ‘identity-less foreigner’, the ‘vulnerable foreigner’, and the ‘dangerous foreigner’.

Submitted by FELIPE CÓMITRE null (fcomitre@rc.unesp.br) on 2018-01-22T19:39:51Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese Felipe Comitre - versão final biblioteca - com ficha catalográfica.pdf: 7249049 bytes, checksum: 44f3ebc83e046adc59daacdbb3c8f3d1 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Paula Santulo Custódio de Medeiros null (asantulo@rc.unesp.br) on 2018-01-23T15:40:38Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 comitre_f_dr_rcla.pdf: 6576001 bytes, checksum: ba1120d3c389abeac38ab430a2400279 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-01-23T15:40:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 comitre_f_dr_rcla.pdf: 6576001 bytes, checksum: ba1120d3c389abeac38ab430a2400279 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-11-13 / A violência urbana vem sendo analisada por diferentes correntes científicas e metodológicas, fator que evidencia o seu caráter multidisciplinar. Os principais estudos se direcionam para a análise das principais causas e consequências da criminalidade nas cidades para, posteriormente, propor-se possíveis soluções para atenuar o problema que se incide no espaço urbano. Muitas vezes, a ciência geográfica se esforça em analisar a distribuição espacial dos crimes nas cidades para gerar informações que tentam revelar se as cidades, os bairros ou as regiões podem ser considerados violentos para, enfim, se estabelecer um indicador de violência. Entretanto, acredita-se que os estudos geográficos podem contribuir com reflexões que transcendem a quantificação relacionada à esfera físico-territorial dos crimes, permitindo a compreensão da relação entre violência e espaço urbano de forma mais ampla, especialmente pela interferência da violência na reprodução do espaço urbano. O intuito da tese consiste em revelar como a violência urbana tem sido utilizada como motivação para a criação de estratégias pelo poder público legitimar e impor novas normas e leis como forma de combatê-la, destacando-se a imposição do novo urbanismo militar, que muitas vezes estimula parcerias entre o poder público e o setor privado. Como se tratam de tentativas de se reduzir a violência nas cidades, as políticas públicas respaldadas pelo novo urbanismo militar são habitualmente aceitas por grande parcela da sociedade. Contudo, será analisado que muitas das leis e normas de combate aos crimes resultam na negação de direitos elementares já conquistados pelos cidadãos. A contenção da violência urbana sob a égide do novo urbanismo militar tende a gerar um processo contraditório, pois possibilita, simultaneamente, o retrocesso de garantias básicas do indivíduo pelo não cumprimento de leis e a ampliação da jurisdição repressivo-penal nas cidades, sendo essas destinadas quase que exclusivamente aos grupos sociais estigmatizados e criminalizados. O processo de retirar e impor direitos, normas e leis, de acordo com as particularidades sociais, econômicas e étnicas, confere a formação e ampliação do estado de exceção, entendido na tese pela perspectiva agambeniana como a exclusão por meio da suspensão de direitos dos cidadãos. A inter-relação entre violência, planejamento urbano e estado de exceção foi analisada de forma empírica por meio do estudo de caso das principais políticas públicas de combate à violência executadas no município de Sorocaba entre os anos de 1997 e 2017. No recorte temporal mencionado, se evidencia o avanço de normas e leis instituídas que convergem com os ideais do novo urbanismo militar e com a ampliação do estado de exceção, destacando-se as ocupações policiais em bairros periféricos, a Lei dos Bares, a implantação de câmeras de monitoramento e a privatização do espaço público. / Urban violence has been analyzed by different scientific and methodological currents, a factor that shows its multidisciplinary character. The main studies are directed to the analysis of the main causes and consequences of crime in the cities and, later, to propose possible solutions to mitigate the problem that affects the urban space. Often, geographic science endeavors to analyze the spatial distribution of crime in cities to generate information that tries to reveal whether cities, neighborhoods or regions can be considered violent, in order to establish an indicator of violence. However, it is believed that geographic studies can contribute with reflections that transcend the quantification related to the physical-territorial sphere of the crimes, allowing an understanding of the relationship between violence and urban space in a broader way, especially by the interference of violence in space reproduction urban. The purpose of the thesis is to reveal how urban violence has been used as a motivation for the creation of strategies by the public power to legitimize and impose new norms and laws as a way to combat it, highlighting the imposition of new military urbanism, which many times encourages partnerships between public authorities and the private sector. As these are attempts to reduce violence in cities, public policies backed by new military urbanism are usually accepted by a large part of society. However, it will be analyzed with many laws and standards to combat crimes resulting from the denial of human rights, have already been conquered by citizens. The containment of urban violence under the aegis of the new military urbanism tends to generate a contradictory process, as it simultaneously facilitates the retreat of the basic guarantees of the individual for non-compliance with laws and the extension of the penal repressive jurisdiction in the cities that are almost destinated exclusively to stigmatized and criminalized social groups. The process of withdrawing and imposing rights, norms and laws, according to the social, economic and ethnic particularities, confers the formation and expansion of the state of exception, understood in the thesis by the agambenian perspective as the exclusion by means of the suspension of rights of the citizens. The interrelation between violence, urban planning and state of exception was analyzed empirically through a case study of the main public policies to combat violence carried out in the city of Sorocaba between 1997 and 2017. In the mentioned time-cut, there is evidence of the advance of norms and laws instituted that converge with the ideals of the new military urbanism and with the expansion of the state of exception, with special emphasis on police occupations in peripheral neighborhoods, the Law of Bars, the implantation of monitoring cameras and the privatization of public space.

abstract: The state of exception in Rwanda did not spontaneously occur in Rwanda, it was initially developed by German and Belgian colonizers, adopted by two successive Hutu regimes, and nurtured and fed for 35 years of Rwandan independence until its final realization in the 1994 genocide. Political theory regarding the development of the "space devoid of law" and necropolitics provide a framework with which to analyze the long pattern of state action that created a milieu in which genocide was an acceptable choice of action for a sovereign at risk of losing power. The study of little-known political theories such as Agamben's and Mbembe's is useful because it provides a lens through which we can analyze current state action throughout the world. As is true in many genocidal regimes, the Rwandan genocide did not just occur as a "descent into hell." Rather, state action over the course of decades in which the subjects of the state (People) were systematically converted into mere flesh beings (people), devoid of political or social value, creates the setting in which it is feasible to seek to eliminate those beings. A question to be posed to political actors and observers around the world today is at what point in the process of one nation's creation of the state of exception and adoption of necropolitics does the world have a right, and a duty, to intervene? Thus far, it has always occurred too late for the "people" in that sovereign to realize their political and social potential to be "People." / Dissertation/Thesis / Ph.D. Justice Studies 2012

Na pesquisa desenvolvemos um percurso por Bertolt Brecht na especificidade do seu exílio. Objetivamos traçar relações entre sua posição de exilado e as camadas do pensamento brechtiano verificado por Fredric Jameson (2013), no livro Brecht e a questão de método. A constituição do exílio de Brecht é entendida como um deslocamento, dentro do estado de exceção, de uma situação de exílio para uma posição de exílio (DIDI-HUBERMAN, 2008) que, entre diferentes características, evidencia a própria exceção (AGAMBEN, 2004). Ao final do percurso, trabalhamos, a partir de autores da psicanálise e do pensamento utópico, com a hipótese de que Brecht fez de sua situação de exílio um sintoma. / In this research, a path was developed for Bertolt Brecht specifics of his exile. The main focus was to draw relations between his position as an exiled person and the layers of brechtian thoughts verified by Fredric Jameson (2013), in the book Brecht method. The nature of Brecht's exile is understood as a displacement, within a state of exception, of an exile situation to a position of exile (DIDI-HUBERMAN, 2008) in which, among different characteristics, Brecht puts in evidence himself his own exception (AGAMBEN, 2004). At the end, psychoanalyst authors and utopian thinkers were used, bearing in mind the hypothesis that Brecht made a symptom out of his exile situation. / En la pesquisa desarrollamos un recorrido por Bertolt Brecht en la especialidad del su exilio. Objetivamente trazar relaciones entre su posición de exilado y las capas del pensamiento brechtiano verificado por Fredric Jameson (2013), en el libro Brecht y el Método. La constitución del exilio de Brecht es entendida como un desplazamiento, dentro del estado de excepción, de una situación del exilio para una posición de exilio (DIDI-HUBERMAN, 2008) que, entre distintas características, evidencia la propia excepción (AGAMBEN, 2004). Al fin del recurrido producimos, a partir de autores de la psicoanálisis y del pensamiento utópico, con la hipótesis de que Brecht hizo de su situación de exilio un síntoma.

Este trabalho tem como objetivo compreender a forma como o cinema brasileiro pensado como um sintoma de nossa conjuntura social, como um elemento resultante das condições econômicas, políticas e culturais do nosso tempo - aponta para a existência de um estado de exceção permanente em nossa estrutura jurídico-política. Buscaremos estabelecer um percurso teórico (Foucault, Arendt e Schmitt) para situarmos de onde parte Giorgio Agamben em sua concepção de estado de exceção como a realidade biopolítica contemporânea. O filósofo italiano está apontando para o atual paradigma de governo: um estado sem direitos, uma indeterminação jurídica, uma "terra de ninguém". Os filmes escolhidos Notícias de uma guerra particular, O prisioneiro da grade de ferro e Tropa de elite - nos darão a dimensão do cinema enquanto experiência de tornar visível uma certa inquietação de nossa realidade social / This paper aims to understand how the Brazilian cinema - designed as a symptom of our social juncture, as a result of economic conditions, political and cultural of our time points out the existence of a permanent state of exception in our legal and political structure. We will try to establish a theoretical path (Foucault, Arendt and Schmitt) to situate from where Giorgio Agamben starts in hisconception of state of exception as the contemporary biopolitic reality . The Italian philosopher focuses on the current paradigm of government: a State without rights, a legal uncertainty, a "land of nobody." The films chosen - "Notícias de uma guerra particular," "O prisioneiro da grade de ferro" and "Tropa de elite" - will give us the impact of the cinema as an experience to make a certain restlessness of our social reality visible