This thesis analyses the emergence and evolution of the think-tanks in Turkey. It seeks primarily to answer to whether or not it is possible to mention &lsquo / a think-tank culture&rsquo / in Turkey. After the definition, characteristics and types of the think-tank term are debated, the historical background of think-tanks all over the world is analyzed. The thesis looks at similarities and differences among the think-tanks in and outside Turkey in terms of their size and areas of specialization. It also tries to find out who are pioneering to the establishment of think-tanks, whom the think-tanks are serving, which financial resources and functions they have in Turkey.

This dissertation looks into the processes by which neoliberalism is mutating with various local and global discourses in order to transform urban space for marginalized street hawkers in the Global South, specifically Delhi, India. Following the current engagements in geographic literature on neoliberalism that focus on the contextually embedded character and the path-dependent process of the spread of free market ideas, I make free market advocacy think tanks--a rather unknown and under-investigated accomplice to this process--my main entry point. Corporate funded think tanks are often found advocating a neoliberal doctrine of free markets, minimal government intervention, and privatization. A self-professed civil society organization, the Center for Civil Society (CCS) in Delhi is one of the first neoliberal, national and foreign corporation funded, advocacy think tanks in India and one of its many agendas is to counter the popular belief that neoliberalism is harmful for the urban poor such as street hawkers. Various NGOs, social workers, scholars, academicians, and think tanks including CCS came together to form the National Policy of Street Vendors, 2009 (NPSV), one of the first policy proposals in modern India to tackle the problems of urban spaces of street vending. Through my investigations I wish to highlight the neoliberal attitudes that are concealed in this policy regarding street hawkers. By bringing these neoliberal undertones to the forefront, this dissertation discusses how this so called “pro-hawking” policy that is being pushed to be implemented in the majority of Indian cities is in fact hostile to hawkers. I demonstrate this fact by explaining that NPSV and its proponents view space as a capitalist commodity and are attempting to transform the rich social spaces of Indian city streets into hollow container spaces of capitalist production and consumption. In this way, this dissertation connects macro spaces of governance such as city streets to the micro spaces of governmentality such as think tanks like CCS.

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It is a widespread belief in western society today that every adolescent is capable of attaining a high school diploma (Pharris-Ciureja, Hirschman, & Willhoft, 2012). In reality, a Statistics Canada (2012) “Labour Force Survey” concluded that only 73.9% of all 18 and 19 year olds have received high school diplomas. Richards (2009) stated that Manitoba’s high school dropout rate is the highest in Canada, and is twice as high as that of British Columbia. Unfortunately, many adolescents have started on the path to dropping out long before they enter high school (Downing & Peckham-Hardin, 2007) due to a combination of sociological, socioeconomic, cultural, developmental, behavioural, and academic factors (Englund, Edgeland, & Collins, 2008; Pharris-Ciureja, Hirschman, & Willhoft, 2012; Richards 2009). To better understand this phenomenon, I used the critical analytical tool of the immanent critique (Skrtic, 1995); and several different critical thinking tools (Levy, 2010). I also reviewed literature concerning sociology and education, Manitoba’s interpretation of inclusion, and the unique nature of high schools and their teachers. The purpose of this study was to invite Manitoba high school classroom teachers into a think tank and ask them what they believe they do to help adolescents stay in school and graduate. I found that the high school classroom teachers who participated in the study creatively strived to connect with students, worked individually and collaboratively with colleagues, and acknowledged the need for legislation, policies, and administration. They also took the time to examine current educational practices and continuously searched for innovative ways to improve their classrooms, schools, and the system-at-large. I concluded that school systems would greatly benefit from seeking out the voices of high school teachers and asking them what they think.

中國被稱為是一個已崛起的世界大國已是不爭的事實。然而為何中國會迅速崛起，除了外在因素的配合外，最重要還是要歸功於鄧小平實施「改革開放」以來，社會知識增長，經濟蓬勃發展的緣故，其中中國政府高層對智庫及學者、專家的重視，使各項政策的出臺，在合理性、周延性、可操作性與前瞻性上大為提高應為重要成因。 毛澤東當政時期智庫幾乎不存在（尤其是文革時期）。鄧小平掌權後重建一些舊有研究機構，並陸續成立新的研究機構，是為中國現代智庫發展之濫觴。近30年來，中國官方智庫蓬勃發展，而民間智庫（尤其是政治、外交、軍事方面）卻因受政治環境的影響，出現巨大起伏變化，其後續發展值得觀察。 中國官方智庫扮演的角色頗多，與美國等西方智庫比較，其中擔任政府政策宣傳者的角色，以及作為情報機關的掩護機構，較為特殊，另外部份官方智庫已成為政府與外國「二軌」對話之主要管道。在功能上，由於中國由落後中崛起，故其發揮之功能頗為顯著，至於「旋轉門」及儲備與提供高層官員人才二項功能，由於中國遴選人才制度的關係，目前發揮有限，惟未來可望逐漸提升。 由於政治制度的不同，中國智庫相較於西方，有以下三點差異，第一、高度的壟斷性，面對民間智庫的競爭相對較少；第二、經費來源單一、量少；第三、可透過一種屬於常態卻「非正規」管道直接提供高層政策建議，發揮其影響力。 中國民間智庫因為法律註冊問題及政治信任問題，生存發展遭受挫折，針對中國特有的政治環境，吾人以為中國智庫未來可能出現以下的發展走向：一、續將部份官方研究機構改為民間（或半官方）智庫，二、調整法律註冊方式，開放民眾成立真正民間智庫。 / China, being called a rising world strong power, is an indisputable fact.Why can China rise rapidly? Apart from external factors to support its development, the most important internal factor is the social and economical grows due to the “reform and opening” policy of Deng Xiaoping. With consulting to think tanks, scholars and experts, Chinese government carry out national policy in a more rational, compre- hensive, feasible, far-sighted way. One could hardly find a think tank in Mao’s period (especially during the Cultural Revolution). After Deng came to power, he reconstructed some research institutions and established new ones, which became Chinese modern think tanks later on. China's official think tanks have acted vigorously for nearly 30 years. However, the non-official think tanks (especially in the areas of politics, diplomacy, and military) have gone through huge ups and downs with the changing of political environment. The subsequent development of the think tanks needs to be watched closely. Compared with think tanks in the West, China's official think tanks play multiple roles. They not only serve as media for government propaganda, but also act as fronts for intelligence agencies. Further- more, some of the official think tanks have served as the "dual-track" channels to communicate with foreign governments. Think tanks play important roles for China’s development in recent years. Their func- tions, however, as a “revolving door” and human power providers, are still limited. It is expected that above situation will change gradually. There are at least three differences between Chinese think tanks and the western ones. First, a high degree of monopoly- there is little competition from non-official think tanks. Second, they have a single and limited source of funding. Third, they provide policy suggestions to the government officers through normal, but "informal" channels. It is difficult to register as a “think tank” in China. Even a think tank can register legally; it’s still hard to get political trust from the government. This thesis finds that there are two possibilities for the development of Chinese think tanks in the future. First, Chinese government will transfer the government research institutes to non-official (or semi-official) think tanks. Second, Chinese government will amend the law to allow the public to set up non-official think tanks.

La questione portante della mia ricerca è la verifica dell'eventuale appartenenza dei think tank a modelli di Comunità Epistemiche o Advocacy Coalition. La struttura della tesi rispecchia quindi parte del percorso che ho sviluppato, partendo da una analisi della definizione dell'oggetto di ricerca Think Tank, della sua struttura ed azione, con la finalità di influenzare il processo di policy making. La seconda sezione analizza gli approcci metodologici principali all'analisi del processo di formazione delle politiche pubbliche, mentre il terzo capitolo affronta la ricerca sui casi di studio selezionati: l'Istituto Affari Internazionali (IAI), l'Istituto per gli Studi di Politica Internazionale (ISPI) e lo European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR). / The fundamental question supporting my research is to verify the membership of the think tank to the Epistemic Communities or Advocacy Coalition model. The structure of the thesis, therefore, reflects the path that I developed, starting from an analysis of the definition of the research think tank, its structure and action, with the objective of influencing the policy making process. The second section discusses the main methodological approaches to the analysis of the formation of public policy, while the third chapter discusses research on selected case studies: the Institute of International Affairs (IAI), the Institute for the Study of International Politics (ISPI) and the European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR).

The purpose of research - to identify the distinctive features of management of analytical centers, affecting the work of improving the competitiveness of organizations. The object of the study is analytical centers in Russia and abroad. The subject of the study are the factors influencing the increase of competitiveness of think tanks. Think tanks perform a wide range of tasks involved in research and consulting in the field of social policy, political strategy, economy, militarization, technology and culture. In addition to commercial activities, they fulfill an important political role, creating a dialogue between public authorities, the academic community and civil society organizations, as well as the two largest world centers of research organizations in the field of economic policy is the United States and the European Union, which formed sector analytical centers, While in Russia, they are just beginning to separate segments organizations. / Цель исследования – определить отличительные особенности управления аналитическими центрами, влияющие на повышение конкурентоспособности работы таких организаций. Объектом исследования выступают аналитические центры России и зарубежных стран. Предметом исследования являются факторы, влияющие на повышение конкурентоспособности аналитических центров. Аналитические центры выполняют широкий набор задач, занимаются проведением исследований и консалтингом в области социальной политики, политической стратегии, экономики, милитаризации, технологий и культуры. Помимо осуществления коммерческой деятельности, они выполняют важную политическую роль, создавая диалог между органами государственной власти, академическим сообществом и гражданскими организациями, а также двумя крупнейшими мировыми центрами исследовательских организаций в области экономической политики являются Соединенные Штаты и Евросоюз, в которых сформирован сектор аналитических центров, в то время как в России их только начинают выделять в отдельный сегмент организаций.

Think tanks are identified as policy research institutions that conduct interdisciplinary research on social or policy issues and provide consultation with the government, enterprises and the general public. Civil think tanks place social value prior to profits and uphold research independence. Through producing research content on social issues, civil think tanks make contribution with publications, advocacy, and action promotion. Civil think tanks are facing challenging complexity and obstacles in development due to their independence from governments and universities. To resolve these difficulties, civil think tanks require an innovative business model and a matching management mechanism. This thesis aims to understand the business model performed by civil think tanks and explore a practical management model to support this business. Specific recommendations will be made to the case organization. The case study was performed in collaboration with Youthink Center, one of China’s leading civil think tanks which provides young people with a platform to learn, take advocacy, and action on global frontier issues about sustainable development. A systematic literature review was conducted to elaborate concepts connected to think tanks and understand existing management frameworks. Data regarding this research project was collected through internal and external interviews and documentations.The case-study resulted in an evaluation on the business model of Youthink Center and a proposed management framework in accordance with the business. Key aspects of succeeding in a think tank are to insist on the value proposition of social responsibility and to enhance content creation and influence expansion ability with digital tools. To make this business model operate effectively, think tanks are expected to focus on project management processes, talent gathering, evaluation mechanism, and deeper collaborations on knowledge and technology. Understanding these areas will guide the social think tanks to increase working efficiency and enhance social influence. / Tankesmedjor (think tanks) identifieras som politiska forskningsinstitutioner som bedriver tvärvetenskaplig forskning om sociala eller politiska frågor och erbjuder samråd med regeringen, företag och allmänheten. Civila tankesmedjor lägger socialt värde före vinst och upprätthåller forskningsoberoende. Genom att producera forskningsinnehåll om sociala frågor bidrar civila tankesmedjor med publikationer, förespråkande och handlingsfrämjande. Civila tankesmedjor står inför utmanande komplexitet och hinder i utvecklingen på grund av deras oberoende från regeringar och universitet. För att lösa dessa svårigheter kräver civila tankesmedjor en innovativ affärsmodell och en matchande hanteringsmekanism. Denna uppsats syftar till att förstå den affärsmodell som utförs av civila tankesmedjor och utforska en praktisk ledningsmodell för att stödja denna verksamhet. Specifika rekommendationer kommer att ges till fallorganisationen. Fallstudien utfördes i samarbete med Youthink Center, en av Kinas ledande civila tankesmedjor som ger ungdomar en plattform för att lära sig, ta förtal och agera i globala gränsfrågor om hållbar utveckling. En systematisk litteraturgranskning genomfördes för att utarbeta begrepp kopplade till tankesmedjor och förstå befintliga ledningsramar. Data om detta forskningsprojekt samlades in genom interna och externa intervjuer och dokument. Fallstudien resulterade i en utvärdering av affärsmodellen för Youthink Center och en föreslagen ledningsram i enlighet med verksamheten. Nyckelaspekter för att lyckas med en tankesmedja är att insistera på värdet av socialt ansvar och att förbättra innehållsskapandet och påverka expansionsförmågan med digitala verktyg. För att få denna affärsmodell att fungera effektivt förväntas tankesmedjor att fokusera på projektledningsprocesser, talangsamling, utvärderingsmekanismer och djupare samarbete om kunskap och teknik. Att förstå dessa områden kommer att vägleda de sociala tankesmedjorna för att öka arbetseffektiviteten och förbättra det sociala inflytandet.

Since the establishment of People's Republic of China in 1949, Chinese think tanks have experienced significant development during the transformative process of China's political reform and modernization, and their influence has become more notable than before. However, think tanks historically have been given little attention by the public as well as social scientists in China, so scholarly study on Chinese think tanks is limited. This thesis explores the political roles and characteristics of Chinese think tanks by investigating the transformation and classification of Chinese think tanks from 1949 to the present. Furthermore, through a case study of one of the significant projects in contemporary China—the Three Gorges Project—this thesis examines the performance and influence of three Chinese nonpolitical think tanks—the Chinese Academy of Social Science (CASS), the Chinese Academy of Sciences (CAS), and the Chinese Academy of Engineering (CAE) on the process of government policy-making in China. Based on this analysis of Chinese think tanks, I draw the conclusion that professionalism and institutionalization are very urgent requirements for contemporary China's think tanks. / Master of Arts

Depuis l’élection de Jean Charest en 2003, nous constatons que les dogmes issus du discours idéologique néolibéral (déréglementation, privatisation, libéralisation et réduction des dépenses publiques) ont régulièrement et fortement inondé tous les domaines de l’espace public québécois, tant chez les élus que chez les grands conglomérats de médias écrits et audiovisuels. Nous cherchions à savoir qui exerçait une si grande influence pour que rayonnent ces idées conservatrices dans les discours publics au Québec. Nos recherches nous ont menée à un Think Tank québécois : l’Institut économique de Montréal. L’élite intellectuelle qui compose cette organisation a su user d’une influence importante auprès de certains médias écrits, notamment ceux de Gesca, qui, grâce à l’étendue de son puissant réseau social et à son adhésion aux stratégies d’influence de ses pairs, les Think Tanks partisans, a relayé les idées néolibérales de l’IEDM à l’intérieur du discours public québécois. Ce Think Tank a ainsi fait rayonner ses idées dans les pages des quotidiens parmi les plus lus par les Québécois francophones. De jeunes Think Tanks comme l’IEDM jugent primordial l’accès aux médias pour façonner l’opinion et les politiques publiques. Leur objectif est de réussir à influencer la mise à l’agenda et le cadrage des médias afin qu’ils favorisent leurs propositions et leurs idées. L’analyse de trois cas a permis de montrer, qu’à trois moments différents, l’IEDM a influencé la mise à l’agenda des quotidiens de Gesca et que le cadrage s’est révélé favorable aux propositions de l’IEDM dans une proportion importante. / Since the election of Jean Charest in 2003, we notice that the neoliberal’s ideas (deregulation, privatization, liberalization, and reduction of government expenditures) have regularly inundated all public exchange of ideas in Quebec, from elected politicians to media conglomerates. The author tried to determine how conservative ideas became part of the public discourse in Quebec. Our research lead us to a Quebec think tank: Montreal Economic Institute. The managers of this organization used its important influence with written media, particularly Gesca. Thanks to its large, powerful social network and its influence strategy, the Montreal Economic Institute think tank was able to transmit its neoliberal ideas. In this way, this think tank has spread these ideas in the pages of the most read Quebecois daily newspapers. Young think tanks, such as Montreal Economic Institute, believe that access to the media is essential to shape public opinion and public policy. Their purpose is to influence the setting of the agenda and the framing of discourse in the media to favor the respective think tank’s propositions and ideas. The author analyzed three different cases, at three different times, in which she demonstrates that the Montreal Economic Institute has influenced the agenda setting of Gesca, and that the framing was largely favorable to the Montreal Economic Institute’s propositions.