The thesis discusses the main issues of demographic transition theory and uses this in a comparative analysis of fertility movements in three socio-economically different Brazilian regions over the twentieth century. The regions are the Northeast and the states of Rio de Janeiro and Sao Paulo. The analysis points to a clear movement towards smaller family sizes in all regions. The movement started early in the twentieth century (or before) among white women living in Rio de Janeiro. These women were probably the better off. This behaviour was followed by white Sao Paulo women after about two decades and by the 1980s had reached most women independently of socio-economic status. The diffusion of the value of a small family and the legitimatization of contraception as well as some adjustment to mortality decline seem to have played an important role in this process. Although fertility declined in all regions, a single pattern of fertility change, as delineated by the classical view of demographic transition theory, was not found. Fertility rates were always in movement, declining and increasing. The strategy used for the decline was, mostly, an earlier stopping of reproduction. However, later onset and longer spacing also became important, especially at a more advanced stage of the fertility decline. A clear and single association between socio-economic variables and family size was not observed. Each variable played a somewhat different role in the reproductive behaviour of the three societies. Mass communication contributed to the diffusion of the small family size value. The process of diffusion resulted in a separation of socioeconomic and intermediate variables. This points to the existence of a component of social pressure in the fertility decline. Indications of a continuation of fertility decline in the near future are present. However, hints of a convergence in fertility rates and their stabilization at replacement level were not found. Fertility rates may reach levels below replacement in Rio and Sao Paulo. Regional fertility differences are likely to continue. This suggests the presence of regional and individual preferences in the reproduction process or conscious choice along with some degree of institutional pressure.

MA, Industrial Psychology, Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, 2010 / This study explored the career barriers of black women in middle management through the application of Schlossberg’s Transition Theory. The rationale behind the study was informed by statistics that show that there are few black women in top management, a fact attributable to the double discrimination faced during Apartheid because of their gender and race. The two aims of the study were to explore any career barriers that these women may be experiencing or have experienced as they attempt to advance their careers to top management; and secondly, to explore the coping strategies that these women use to deal with the barriers experienced while attempting to advance their careers. In order to investigate the research questions, nine women who met the criteria of the study participated in semi-structured interviews. The study was qualitative in nature, and the interview transcripts were analyzed through thematic content analysis. The main themes were identified and presented under the 4 S’s: Situation, Self, Support and Strategy. What became apparent from the findings was that the participants were dealing with a dual challenge of gender and race discrimination. They were also dealing with role conflict and other barriers such as politics in the workplace and age discrimination. However, it was found that these women were proactive in confronting their challenges as they engaged in numerous coping strategies including education and social support to cope with the career barriers. Schlossberg’s Transition Theory proved to be an appropriate framework for exploration of the career barriers and thus the application of this theory had implications for theory, organisations and future research.

This thesis builds on previous United Nations’ research investigating factors affecting the Total Fertility Rate (TFR) in six (6) states: Burkina Faso, Mexico, Morocco, Nepal, the Philippines, and Uganda. The present research, however, provides a broader assessment of the TFR and the potential causes of its decline by examining countries across nine (9) regions of the world – sub-Saharan Africa, Latin America, South Asia, East Asia, the Middle East and North Africa, the Caribbean, the Pacific Islands, Eastern and Southeastern Europe, and the former Soviet Socialist Republics of the Commonwealth of Independent States. The present analyses are also conducted over time, specifically from 1960 through 2002. Five (5) primary hypotheses regarding factors affecting the Total Fertility Rate are examined using feasible generalized least squares regression analysis. First, foreign debt is hypothesized to have a positive relationship to TFR. That is, holding all else constant, as foreign debt increases, TFR is expected to increase as well. Foreign debt is operationalized first, as total external debt; second, as long-term debt, and third, as total debt service as a percentage of exports of goods and services. Second, foreign aid, the level of socioeconomic development, and the extent of females’ education are all hypothesized to have negative relationships to TFR. That is, all else constant, as foreign aid increases, TFR is expected to decrease. All else constant, as the level of socioeconomic development increases, TFR is also expected to decrease. All else constant, as the extent of females’ education increases, TFR is also expected to decrease. Foreign aid is operationalized as first, International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD) loans and International Development Agency (IDA) credits; and second, as official development assistance and official aid. The level of socioeconomic development is operationalized as the Gross National Income (GNI) per capita in terms of purchasing power parity. The extent of females’ education is operationalized as first, the adult female literacy rate (ages 15 and above), and second, as the ratio of young literate females to males (ages 15 – 24). Finally, whereas previous scholars have hypothesized that industrialization reduces TFR (the Western European “demographic transition” hypothesis), the present research proposes that this relationship may not hold in developing countries. This possibility is investigated by analyzing the relationships between TFR and first, the value added of agriculture (as a percentage of GDP); second, the value added of industry (also as a percentage of GDP); third, the value added of manufacturing as a percentage of GDP; and fourth, the value added of services as a percentage of GDP. The findings presented here suggest first, that the foreign debt and foreign aid have differing effects on TFR in different regions of the world. Second, the effects of socioeconomic development and females’ education are more consistent (than foreign debt and foreign aid) across the different regions – but intriguing variations still exist. Finally, it appears that, with very few exceptions, the Western European-based demographic transition model does not hold for non-Western and developing areas. Therefore, new, region-specific models of TFR need to be developed – and public policy needs to be based on these more accurate, more context-appropriate models.

<p>After 1989, along with the collapse of Soviet Union, Central and Eastern European countries the democracy became synonymous with ‘return to Europe’. The post-communist regime was a reaction against its predecessor and that reaction had produced a demand for democratization. Therefore, the process of democratization, which gained momentum at the end of eighties and, the beginning of the nineties, has become an important phenomenon. The most extreme case of transition, certainly, is former Yugoslavia. Due to the war and the collapse of the Federation into several successor states, the legitimacy and viability are still being questioned. The Balkan region, known as the ‘Powder Keg of Europe’ has been commonly considered to be representing a chronic political instability and a lack of socio-economic modernization as well as much poorer prospects for democratization and for acceptance into the European Union (EU) in comparison to the other countries of East and Central Europe.</p><p>Slovenia however may be seen as the exception that proved the Balkan rule. Besides, the successor states of Yugoslavia, Slovenia has recorded the smoothest, non-violent and the least problematic transition toward liberal democracy. Slovenia maintained the highest level of system stability in the powder keg of Europe. Slovenia is the only Yugoslav successor state, which has peacefully established a functioning democracy. It has established a stable democracy and moved easily to a market economy. It is also the only the EU member country from the former. More importantly, Slovenia has kept the highest level of system stability in Powder Keg of Europe’.</p><p>The main purpose of this thesis is to review and discuss the political democratization process in Slovenia. This study also reviews the reasons, which make the Slovenian transition to democracy special among the post-communist democracies. More specifically, this study particularly focuses on certain political aspects to discover its way of democratization. Slovenia, one of the most successful countries within Central and Eastern Europe is also the only component republic of ex-Yugoslavia not to confront continuing problems of ethnic challenge, deep political conflict and economic debility.</p><p>All theories attempt to impose order and find patterns in the messy and complex reality of human life. Therefore, the theories are useful in that they ask important questions about democratization in general and contribute to particular explanations. Concerning the democratization process in Slovenia, ‘Theories of Democratization’ is generally going to be reviewed. Democratization theories aim to explain how authoritarian regimes change into liberal democratic ones. More specifically, Transition Theories will be applied during the study. Transition studies have been chosen, because they offer a ‘political’ explanation of democratization and also differentiate democratic transition and democratic consolidation phases properly, and point out the necessary conditions for the success of each phase.</p>

Which grand strategies do Great Powers adopt towards rising challengers? When do Great Powers conciliate their potential rivals, and when do they opt for strategies of containment? In this master’s report, I outline an argument to answer these and related questions. I add to the existing literatures on grand strategy and power transitions in several key respects. First, I model power shifts between Great Powers as contests over access to externally located benefits rather than as contests over power for its own sake. Second, I emphasize the weight of domestic politics in shaping states’ preferences over the apportionment of these benefits. Third, I highlight the role of diplomacy in determining whether established Great Powers choose to conciliate or else contain potential rivals. Empirically, I provide four vignettes of Great Power responses to rising states: the United States’ strategy towards Japan during the Cold War; Britain’s appeasement of the United States, 1890-1914; the United States’ containment of the Soviet Union under Ronald Reagan; and Britain’s containment of Wilhelmine Germany. / text

Submitted by Natalia Scartezini Rodrigues (nscarod@hotmail.com) on 2018-07-16T18:42:30Z No. of bitstreams: 1 TEXTO TESE - NATALIA SCARTEZINI RODRIGUES.pdf: 1921753 bytes, checksum: 048406596a05ff9b6c886e759d3a0a24 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Satie Tagara (satie@marilia.unesp.br) on 2018-07-17T13:24:55Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 rodrigues_ns_dr_mar.pdf: 1921753 bytes, checksum: 048406596a05ff9b6c886e759d3a0a24 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-17T13:24:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 rodrigues_ns_dr_mar.pdf: 1921753 bytes, checksum: 048406596a05ff9b6c886e759d3a0a24 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-07-06 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / O objeto desta pesquisa são os Conselhos proletários: formas organizativas das quais as classes trabalhadoras lançam mão em situações de ascenso revolucionário e de acirramento das contradições classistas, com vistas a exercerem a autogestão política e produtiva. A tese aqui defendida é que estes Conselhos possuem intrínseco potencial revolucionário, uma vez que superam o trabalho assalariado e a produção de capital - mediante a socialização dos meios de produção - e o Estado enquanto estrutura de dominação própria do sistema sociometabólico do capital e essencial à sua reprodução. Denominando-os como “não-Estado” defende-se, portanto, a tese de que os Conselhos proletários são a antítese dialética do Estado – e não uma forma específica dele -, e por isso, são dotados de efetiva potencialidade disruptiva com o metabolismo social vigente. Sustenta-se ainda como tese secundária que as prerrogativas teóricometodológicas acerca do Estado determinaram e ainda determinam proposições estratégicas específicas aos movimentos revolucionários. Assim, compreende-se que a centralidade depositada na fórmula da “conquista do Estado” e/ou “construção de um Estado proletário” acabou por fazer esmaecer as iniciativas autônomas dos trabalhadores, de maneira a lhes tolher sua potencialidade emancipatória. Desta maneira, este trabalho se estrutura de forma a apresentar as principais características constitutivas dos Conselhos proletários e do Estado, evidenciando as relações que se estabelecem entre estas esferas no âmbito de uma teoria da transição e das experiências históricas. / The object of this research is the proletarian councils: organizational forms of which the working classes resort to situations of revolutionary rise and intensification of class contradictions, with a view to exercising political and productive self-management. The thesis defended here is that these councils have intrinsic revolutionary potential, since they outcome wage labor and the production of capital - through the socialization of the means of production - and the state as a structure of domination proper to the sociometabolic system of capital and essential to its reproduction. Denoting them as “non-state”, therefore, the thesis defended is that the proletarian councils are the dialectical antithesis of the state - and not a specific form of it - and, therefore, they are endowed with an effective disruptive potentiality with the metabolism in force. It is still held as a secondary thesis that the theoretical and methodological prerogatives about the state have determined and still determine specific strategic propositions to the revolutionary movements. Thus, it is understood that the centrality deposited in the formula of the “conquest of the state” and/or “construction of a proletarian state” ended up mitigating the workers’ autonomous initiatives, in order to block their emancipatory potentiality. In this way, this work is structured in such a way as to present the main constitutive characteristics of proletarian and state councils, evidencing the relations that are established between these spheres within the scope of transition theory and historical experiences. / El objeto de esta investigación son los Consejos proletarios: formas organizativas de las cuales las clases trabajadoras lanzan mano en situaciones de ascenso revolucionario y de intensificación de las contradicciones clasistas, con miras a ejercer la autogestión política y productiva. La tesis aquí defendida es que estos Consejos poseen intrínseco potencial revolucionario, una vez que superan el trabajo asalariado y la producción de capital- a través de la socialización de los medios de producción- y el Estado como estructura de dominación propia del sistema sociometabólico del capital y esencial a la su reproducción. Denominándolos como “no-Estado” se defiende, por tanto, la tesis de que los Consejos proletarios son la antítesis dialéctica del Estado -y no una forma específica de él-, y por eso, están dotados de efectiva potencialidad disruptiva con el metabolismo social vigente. Se sostiene todavía como tesis secundaria que las prerrogativas teórico-metodológicas acerca del Estado determinaron y aún determinan proposiciones estratégicas específicas a los movimientos revolucionarios. Así, se comprende que la centralidad depositada en la fórmula de la “conquista del Estado” y/o “construcción de un Estado proletário” acabó por hacer palmar las iniciativas autónomas de los trabajadores, de manera que les tolera su potencial emancipatorio. De esta manera, este trabajo se estructura de forma a presentar las principales características constitutivas de los Consejos proletarios y del Estado, evidenciando las relaciones que se establecen entre estas esferas en el marco de una teoría de la transición y de las experiencias históricas.

This case study traced the American reaction to Chinese activities in Africa from the year 2000 to the present. Two keys to understanding how this reaction might unfold were power-transition theory, which predicts that rising states will challenge the hegemon in an international system in order to revise the rules, and status-based competition theories. The U.S. appeared delayed in reacting to competition in Africa from its rising challenger there, China, until it understood that competition to be status-based. A clear, progressive reaction on the part of American leaders was traced. First, there was a split between the reactions of members of Congress and diplomats on-the-ground, who were concerned about China in Africa around the year 2005, and leaders in the White House and State Department, who publicly denied there was any kind of problem. White House and State Department leaders’ reaction then grew somewhat as relative gains concerns were activated by economic and power losses in Africa. These leaders then engaged in quiet diplomacy with China and Africa, perhaps to try to socialize China and to moderate its less favorable activities. The U.S. at this time did not seem to be fully aware of the status threat China was presenting. However, in about 2011, the U.S. appears to have begun to perceive the status losses it had sustained in Africa. Through policy changes, discourse, summitry and public diplomacy, including social media, leaders launched what appeared to be a public campaign, designed to position the U.S. as opposed to the values of China, and as a better partner for Africans. This can be seen as status competition because the U.S. had little to gain economically in Africa and its domestic public remained unconcerned with Africa. Loss of status appears to have motivated the U.S. to take action when nothing else had, inspiring policy changes vis-a-vis Africa, the first-ever U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit, two presidential trips to Africa, and a public diplomacy campaign designed to showcase American strengths.

Abstract  The use of alternative water resources such as rainwater where drinking water quality is dispensable is an important measure towards a more sustainable water management. Despite raised awareness of future water scarcity, and despite a growing field of theoretical and practical competence, the development of rainwater reuse is progressing slowly in Sweden compared to other European countries. The following essay aims to investigate drivers and barriers concerning increased implementation of rainwater reuse, or RWH (Rainwater harvesting), in Sweden. Data collection was made by interviews with respondents from municipality, construction and from REWAISE, a project aiming to decrease drinking water usage and by notes from meetings, webinars and workshops with participants from relevant fields. The theoretical framework consisted of the keywords knowledge, legislation, economy, political influence and environmental engagement and urban environmental transition theory and was used in order to understand why alternative water sources are chosen, or neglected, in construction plans. The results showed that entrepreneurs often found the legislation to be confusing and wanting, and that RWH was associated with economic risks. Initiatives were also hampered by unclear legislation, and by shortages in the exchange of knowledge within the field. Builders and city planners ask for more explicit general outlines and for shared burden of responsibilities. Personal environmental engagement showed to be an important driver, but best effect was reached when it was combined with political support.

No description available.

No description available.