Post conflict justice is a concept that has in the last two decades gained notoriety and support across the world. The commitment by states to fight impunity by embracing accountability measures has increasingly gained support. This however, was not always the case. Before the 1980s the approach by most of the world was to turn a blind eye to serious violations committed during wars, insurgencies and serious conflict. This was done in the name of respecting state sovereignty, where other states were required to respect the conflict state by not intervening irrespective of egregious violations being committed to mankind. The tide eventually changed and many states have adopted numerous instruments as a sign of their commitment to fight impunity and bring accountability to the perpetrators of serious conflict. African states embraced this development, in 1998 during the Rome conference where the Rome Statute for the International Criminal Court was adopted. African states participated in large numbers during the negotiations. Subsequently, African states signed and adopted the Statute overwhelmingly. To date, 33 African States have ratified the Rome Statute making Africa the most represented region in the Rome Statute system. With Africa's share of countless conflicts, where serious human rights violations have been violated, post conflict justice is increasingly a reality in Africa. The application of post conflict justice is an emerging and ever evolving field in Africa. The implementation of post conflict justice has been the center of contested debates. These debates have in the recent past become more pronounced especially where international intervention has been applied in assisting African post conflict societies to deal with the past and bring accountability. The impact that the accountability mechanisms play in restoring a post conflict society has been overshadowed by these debates. This study therefore seeks to provide a balanced discussion on the role that the accountability mechanisms can play in African post conflict societies. The study gives an overview of the evolution of post conflict justice and also looks into the different post conflict justice approaches adopted by African countries and their potential role in accountability and societal healing. The empirical cases of South Africa and Kenya are analysed in the study as practical examples of the application of post conflict justice approaches. The impact of the accountability mechanisms adopted is also discussed. The unique role that the African Union plays in fighting impunity in the continent is also discussed and the impact of positions taken by the continental body on accountability in post conflict countries is analysed. In the end the study seeks to establish the growing pattern in Africa in dealing with post conflict situations and recommendations are made in the final chapter on how to improve the general approach by Africa to eradicate the culture of impunity for serious crimes committed in the continent.

In recent years, there has been a noticeable turn towards the “local” in both the practice and academic study of transitional justice, exemplified by a belief that local transitional justice processes (LTJPs) are superior because they are rooted in cultural practices and closer to the communities and people seeking justice. However, this assumption, and the existing literature on these local initiatives, pays insufficient attention to asymmetric power relations between national and local actors and to the unseen domestic political interests that shape local transitional justice processes on the ground. By taking these factors into account, this dissertation contends that LTJPs can be used paradoxically to deflect justice in ways that allow ruling parties to avoid human rights accountability and that obscure the truth about wartime events. The dissertation further argues that the principal means by which justice is deflected is not through overt manipulation by ruling parties, but rather, through more indirect processes of “distortional framing” that ruling parties use to establish discursive limits around discussions of the past and to conceal their own human rights abuses. The cases of Cambodia and Mozambique are examined in detail to reveal and to trace the processes by which distortional framing has been employed as a tactic to deflect justice. This dissertation contributes to the study of transitional justice, not only by challenging the prevailing assumption that LTJPs are inherently preferable because they are more “authentic” or closer to the people, but by providing a novel explanation of how these processes can be manipulated to subvert their own stated goal of advancing the cause of justice, and by providing a detailed account of these distortionary processes at work in two post-conflict countries located on two different continents.

Truth commissions are bodies established in political transition, and they have the stated purpose of reckoning with human rights abuses committed by members of former regimes. The question driving this research is "Why have truth commissions increased so rapidly in the last 20 years?" This study moves beyond current research, which suggests that particular domestic political circumstances alone determine choice of transitional justice mechanisms. I argue that an international rule of behavior, the transitional restorative norm, has emerged and spread to decision-makers in countries of transition. In support of this notion, I perform a pre-theoretical historical analysis of transitional justice and develop a theory of decision-making in transition-which is later tested with quantitative statistics. This integrated approach allows for increased scientific rigor in the examination of international norms. Ultimately, the study demonstrates an interrelationship between shared ideas and political environments in the determination of domestic policy.

A pesquisa tem dois objetivos centrais: reconstruir o desenvolvimento da justiça de transição no Brasil até os dias atuais e identificar algumas das principais razões dos limites de sua implementação no país. Conforme as principais hipóteses, os limites da experiência da justiça transicional no Brasil estão associados a um discurso sobre a redemocratização no país, discurso este que tem a conciliação nacional como sua principal categoria. A primeira hipótese da pesquisa é a de que o discurso da conciliação nacional, veiculado pelo menos desde a elaboração do projeto de anistia pelo governo Figueiredo, continuaria a ser um dos principais limites ao desenvolvimento da justiça de transição no Brasil. Mas a segunda hipótese sustenta que, dos últimos trabalhos mais aprofundados sobre o tema para cá, este discurso teria sua hegemonia contestada de forma significativa, sendo obrigado a ceder a algumas das demandas de entidades da sociedade civil que até pouco tempo atrás não eram consideradas como negociáveis. Os objetivos e hipóteses centrais da tese serão mobilizados na seguinte estrutura. Capítulo 1: teoria e crítica dos parâmetros normativos da justiça de transição. Capítulo 2: reconstituição histórica e discursiva sobre a anistia e sobre o programa brasileiro de reparações. Capítulo 3: reconstituição discursiva e crítica sobre o julgamento do STF acerca da constitucionalidade da bilateralidade da anistia e sobre o estágio das ações penais movidas pelo Ministério Público Federal. Capítulo 4: reconstituição crítica dos trabalhos da Comissão Nacional da Verdade. / The research has two main objectives: to reconstruct the development of transitional justice in Brazil until today and to identify some of the main reasons underlying the limits of its implementation in the country. According to our main hypotheses, the limits of transitional justice in Brazil are associated with a discourse on the countrys democratization, which holds \"national reconciliation\" as its crucial category. The hypothesis 1 of the research asserts that the discourse of \"national reconciliation\", elaborated at least since the project of amnesty by the Figueiredo government, remains one of the main limitations to the development of transitional justice in Brazil. But the hypothesis 2 maintains that from the last major works on the subject to today, the hegemony of this discourse has been significantly challenged, giving some room to historical claims of civil society that until recently were not considered negotiable. The objectives and main hypotheses will be developed in the following structure. Chapter 1: theory and critique of the normative parameters of transitional justice. Chapter 2: historical and discursive reconstitution of the amnesty and of the Brazilian program of reparation. Chapter 3: discursive reconstitution and critique of the decision of the Brazilian Supreme Court on the amnestys constitutionality and the stage of criminal cases filed by federal prosecutors. Chapter 4: critical reconstitution of the work of the National Truth Commission.

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"This dissertation seeks firstly to re-examine the merits of the competing philosophies on the role of amnesties in transitional justice. It seeks in particular to investigate the currently popular notion that justice is necessarily retributive and even beyond that, to determine the veracity of the claim that prosecution represents a necessary element of retributivist justice. The objective is to contribute to the ongoing debate by examining and drawing practical lessons from the case of South Africa, which emerged in 1994 from several generations of institutionalised gross violatoins of human rights. Accordingly the Amnesty Committee of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), the law and the political philosophy undergirding its functions represent the focus of this study. ... This dissertation unfolds into five parts. Chapter 1, as an introduction to the rest of the work, sets out the relevance of the subject under review, the methodology and a brief overview of the chapters. Chapter two reviews the extensive literature on transitional justice and discusses the concepts that may be distilled therefrom. It discusses the contextual determinants of models of transitional justice and sets out the essence of the debate between vengeance and forgiveness as tools for achieving transitional justice. It also discusses the development of international law with respect to the permissiveness of amnesties and both the articulated and other justifications for their use. The burden of the third chapter is to first recount the factual circumstances of South Africa's trnsition and the factors that predicated the promulgation of the Promotion of National Unity and Reconciliation Act 34 of 1995. It then briefly examines the provisions of the statute and it's implementation. It also engages in an empirical assessment of the almost 800 amnesties granted and employs a number of indices to determine whteher the process was even handed and achieved its objectives. These indices are: the politicl affiliations of the awardees; whether or not the crimes for which they received amnesty involved the loss of life; whether or not they had already been punished for thier transgressions and; whether or not they received forgiveness from the vicitms - actual or constructive. Chapter four focuses on some fo the criticisms that the TRC received. It assesses their merits and determines to what extent they subverted the quest for justice in transitional South Africa. In particular it looks at the reasoning of the Constitutional Court in the AZAPO Case, the alleged lack of objectivity of the TRC, its almost exclusively Christian orientation and its almost exclusive focus on abuses of civil and political rights. Chapter five concludes the dissertation by first determining whether or not there are any lessons to be learnt from South Africa's amnesty experience. It then outlines what the lessons are or should be. It closes by making recommendations as to what factors or particular considerations should guide the efforts and aspirations of abused societies that embark on the quest for transitional justice." -- Chapter 1. / Prepared under the supervision of Professor Frans Viljoen, Faculty of Law, University of Pretoria, South Africa / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2001. / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

Many of the buildings along Robert Sobukwe Street have been renovated in an effort to regenerate the area, including the Sunny Park Mall. These renovations have improved the general perception of the street but not the overall accessibility to the interior spaces behind the facades. The building facades are a barrier between exterior and interior spaces with little integration. A decline in the pedestrian activity of the retail street stores has occurred due to these renovations in other areas. Consideration towards pedestrian users has shifted from the public street to the design for private interiors. Through the understanding of user behaviour, an intervention strategy can be formed to align social needs with the spatial needs of both the public and private users to inform a design which satisfies both. This intervention utilises the principles of way finding, activities and thresholds to build an interface linking the two environments based on the private needs for occupation and public need for interaction. It provides a strategy to incorporate exterior spaces into a design and not limit the field to the space between the walls of existing buildings. To extend the space and create a transition dedicated to engaging the needs of both users is beneficial to the development and sustainability of this context. / Dissertation (MInt(Prof))--University of Pretoria, 2014. / Architecture / MInt(Prof) / Unrestricted

The dissertation examines transitional justice mechanisms implemented in post-communist Central and Eastern Europe. The question of how to deal with the legacies of communist repression has been an important source of political divisions in the region. The post-communist states of Central and Eastern Europe had an array of choices to consider when addressing demands for retrospective justice: from criminal prosecution of important officials, to restitution of property, or declassifying of secret files for public inspection. The two most common paths taken in the region have consisted of lustration laws and the decisions surrounding public access to secret police files. Lustration laws involve the disqualification of certain categories of former communist officials and secret police collaborators from public positions under the new regime. The dissertation explores differences in lustration laws and access to secret files across four cases that represent variation along a spectrum of outcomes: the Czech Republic having the strongest type of lustration, Poland and Hungary having a weaker form, and Romania lacking institutionalized lustration. The extant literature has focused on instances where such laws have been instituted, but has little to say about cases where it failed. The dissertation pays special attention to the case of Romania, with the goal of explaining its failure to enact lustration in spite of repeated attempts. The analysis is organized in two main sections. The first evaluates the existing patterns of lustration in the region. The second offers an in-depth analysis of the understudied case of Romania with the intent of filling the vacant niche in the existing literature. Primary sources examined include the proposed projects of lustration laws, the final drafts of laws, parliamentary debates and media reports on the issue. The dissertation concludes that differences in lustration patterns can be fully explained only by simultaneously considering the impact of several factors: the pervasiveness of security apparatus during the last phase of communist rule, the type of regime change, and the extent to which political actors embraced the lustration agenda.

Magister Legum - LLM / This mini-thesis makes a claim that when Rwanda established the rule of Gacaca court system as a communal mechanism of transitional justice in the aftermath of the 1994 genocide, it accordingly enabled space for the ‘social truth’ to take centre stage as opposed to the legal truth. As such, testimonies by perpetrators and accounts by witnesses could only be permissible in Gacaca courts if they were socially acceptable by the community, and any evidence only needed to be orally validated by community members but not verified through formal legal procedures. The principal objective of this mini-thesis, therefore, is to examine how the ‘social truth’ was employed by Gacaca courts and how this kind of truth resonated with the communal nature of the courts.

PURPOSE: The purpose of this national survey study was to describe the transition conditions (facilitators and/or inhibitors) encountered by LPN-to-RN students. SPECIFIC AIMS: (1) describe the frequency of specific transition conditions experienced by LPN-to-RN students; (2) explore relationships between transition conditions experienced by LPN-to-RN students and student (personal) and program (community) characteristics; and (3) characterize (through open-ended questions) transition conditions experienced by LPN-to-RN students that were not included in the empirically-based investigator-designed survey. FRAMEWORK: This study was framed by Meleis et al.’s (2000) transition theory; each transition condition included in the survey was linked to one or more category of transition conditions described by Meleis et al. DESIGN: In March 2020, a cross-sectional national survey was distributed to all LPN-to-RN programs in the United States. RESULTS: 873 students, in programs across 37 states, responded to the survey. The least frequently reported facilitators were emotional support from faculty and finding online courses helpful. The most frequently reported inhibitors were personal stress and balancing school with non-school responsibilities. The most frequent characteristic related to transition conditions was taking classes with non-LPNs. Respondants reported several transition conditions not included in the survey, including prior experiences (facilitator) and challenges related to the COVID-19 pandemic (inhibitor). CONCLUSION: These results suggest areas where faculty can further support LPN-to-RN students through their own actions and highlight the importance of carefully planning how to integrate LPN and non-LPN nursing students if they share classes.