I believe that the most important components of transitional justice must be the rights of victims, which include the right to the truth, the right to acknowledgment, the right to reparations and the obligation to take steps to ensure that violation will not occur again. In many societies, transition from war to peace or from dictatorship to democracy has been dominated by a debate on how best past massive human rights violations can be addressed without undermining a fragile and transitional peace. Therefore, political considerations have entirely shaped legal solutions adopted to bring about transitions with less regard to accountability and appropriate remedy for victims of human rights abuses and violations. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2011. / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/ / nf2012 / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

Depuis plus d’une décennie, la République Centrafricaine (ci-après le Centrafrique ou la RCA) et la République de Côte d’Ivoire (ci-après la RCI ou la Côte d’Ivoire) traversent des conflits militaro-politiques graves qui se sont accentués pour le premier en 2012 et pour le second en 2011. Ces crises qui, dans la plupart des cas tirent leurs racines dans la mal gouvernance et une absence de volonté politique ont un dénominateur commun : des dégâts matériels importants et en perte de vies humaines. Des crimes graves dans la hiérarchie de l’horreur ont été commis (crimes de guerre, crimes contre l’humanité et crimes de génocide). Compte tenu de la gravité de ces crimes qui transcendent profondément la conscience humaine, les deux pays ont engagé des processus de justice transitionnelle, à travers des mesures judiciaires et non judiciaires en vue de faire face à leur passé douloureux et réconcilier les populations et communautés divisées. Comment intégrer la Justice dans une stratégie plus globale du processus transitionnel pour la réconciliation nationale favorable à un nouvel avenir démocratique ?Certes, la répression de ces crimes par les tribunaux centrafricains et ivoiriens, la Cour Pénale Internationale (CPI), la Cour Pénale Spéciale (CPS) en RCA ou au titre de la compétence universelle de juridiction est un objectif prioritaire poursuivi par les deux pays. Cependant, la justice classique s’est montrée incapable d’en juger tous les auteurs, tant leur nombre est important et tant les faits qui leurs sont reprochés sont graves. C’est pourquoi les autorités centrafricaines et ivoiriennes ont envisagé d’autres mécanismes complémentaires à la justice pénale destinés à rétablir un vivre ensemble entre les populations divisées, notamment la création des Commissions Vérité et Réconciliation. Elle est chargée d’établir une vérité historique sur les crimes du passé en vue de tourner définitivement la page. En dehors de cette institution classique de la réconciliation nationale, d’autres structures ont été créées, soit pour combler les lacunes des précédentes initiatives, soit pour connaître d’autres domaines nouveaux. La religion a aussi joué un rôle important; soit qu’elle promeut la tolérance religieuse, l’acceptation des différences ou la résolution pacifique des conflits, soit qu’elle apparaît comme cause de conflits, à travers la promotion ou la diffusion des messages de haine et de division.Mais dans la démarche de conciliation de ces deux objectifs, comment entreprendre le processus de réconciliation nationale sans pour autant avaliser les pratiques d’impunité ? C’est en ce sens que la répression des crimes graves apparaît comme un mécanisme nécessaire de la justice transitionnelle.Enfin, il est important de noter que les crises que connaissent les deux pays obéissent à des mobiles politiques, mais aussi institutionnels. C’est pourquoi des réformes institutionnelles ont été engagées dans plusieurs domaines, entre autres, la Réforme du Secteur de la Sécurité (RSS) avec le désarmement, la démobilisation et la réinsertion des tous les combattants. Des réformes ont aussi été entreprises dans le domaine de la bonne gouvernance et de la justice constitutionnelle pour que désormais, les actions des gouvernants soient soumises au droit. / For more than a decade, the Central African Republic (CAR) and the Republic of Côte d'Ivoire (RCI or the Ivory Coast) are going through serious military-political conflicts which have been accentuated for the Central African Republic in 2012 and for RCI in 2011. These crises, which in most cases are rooted in poor governance and lack of political will have a common denominator: significant material damage and loss of life. Serious crimes in the hierarchy of horror have been committed (war crimes, crimes against humanity and crimes of genocide). Given the seriousness of these crimes that profoundly transcend human consciousness, both countries have engaged in transitional justice processes, through judicial and non-judicial measures to deal with their painful past and reconcile divided populations and communities. How to integrate justice into a more global strategy of the transitional process for national reconciliation in favour of a new democratic future?It is true that the repression of these crimes by the Central African and Ivorian courts, the International Criminal Court (ICC), the Special Criminal Court (SPC) in CAR or under universal jurisdiction is a priority objective pursued by both countries. However, classical justice has proved incapable of judging all the authors, as their number is important and the facts they are accused of are serious. This is why the Central African and Ivorian authorities have considered complimentary mechanisms to criminal justice aimed at restoring living together among the divided populations, materialized by the creation of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (CDVR). It is responsible for establishing a historical truth about the crimes committed in order to definitively turn the page. Apart from this classical institution of national reconciliation, other structures have been created, either to fill the gaps of previous initiatives or to find other new areas. Religion has also played an important role; either it promotes religious tolerance, acceptance of differences or peaceful resolution of conflicts, or it appears as a cause of conflict, through messages of hatred and division.But in this process of reconciling these two objectives, how can we begin the process of national reconciliation without endorsing practices of impunity? It is in this sense that the repression of serious crimes appears as a necessary mechanism of transitional justice.Finally, it is important to note that the crises in both countries are politically motivated, but also institutional. This is why institutional reforms have been initiated in several areas, including Security Sector Reform (SSR) with the disarmament, demobilization and reintegration of all combatants. Reforms have also been undertaken in the field of good governance and constitutional justice so that, henceforth, the actions of the rulers are subject to the law.

Magister Legum - LLM / This thesis advocates the expansion of the field of transitional justice to address corruption in African states emerging from conflict or authoritarianism. There is a close connection between corruption and conflict or repressive regimes in Africa. A good example is the Arab Spring of 2011, where citizens of Tunisia, Egypt and Libya protested against endemic corruption, leading to removal of despotic leaders from power. Dictators or conflicts tend to leave African states in situations where their coffers have been emptied corruptly and their citizens subjected to serious physical violence. What is more, corrupt and oppressive leaders use their ill-gotten assets to escape liability for their crimes. The evident link between the two forms of abuse makes it desirable to address them simultaneously when the dictatorship or conflict ends. Many African countries have deployed transitional justice mechanisms, such as criminal prosecutions, truth commissions, institutional reforms and reparations to address violations of civil and political rights. However, they have neglected corruption and other violations of social and economic rights, notwithstanding their crucial role in the violent past. Many countries still are haunted by the unresolved legacies of corruption and other socio-economic injustices. Recently, scholars and practitioners in the fields of transitional justice and anti-corruption have started to call for corruption and other socio-economic issues to be accommodated within transitional justice programmes. Problems encountered with the expansion of transitional justice mechanisms have not been worked out yet at the level of theory, policy and practice. This thesis subscribes to transformative justice theory as the most viable perspective from which to tackle corruption in transitional societies in Africa. Transformative justice theory is gaining increasing attention in the field of transitional justice, and it has been incorporated in the recent African Union Transitional Justice Policy. It champions locally driven mechanisms which reflect the needs of the victims and local communities, and which pursue socio-economic justice and transformation. The thesis argues that the current transitional justice mechanisms have the potential to become transformative and it will seek to answer how best each of these mechanisms may be implemented to address corruption. It is hoped that this thesis will assist in answering critical questions regarding the proximate relationship between corruption and violence, and in offering guidelines towards the total integration of an anti-corruption agenda into the field of transitional justice in Africa.

In 2016, the Colombian government and the FARC-EP guerilla signed a historic peace agreement. After decades of internal armed struggle, the two parties have settled on terms that, hopefully, will allow Colombia to transit from wartime to peacetime. A substantial part of the peace agreement centers on how to adjudicate previous wrong-doings and bring perpetrators of conflict-related crimes to justice. For this purpose, the parties have created a temporary court system called the Special Jurisdiction for Peace (Jurisdicción Especial para la Paz (JEP)). There are several remarkable aspects of the JEP and its legal mandate. However, this thesis focuses on the court’s explicit gender-based approach (enfoque de género). Through applying an international legal feminist method, the thesis establishes how the JEP functions, and how it takes account of gendered aspects. As a second step, the JEP is evaluated in light of international standards. The author concludes that the gender-based approach is in line with international norms on gender and transitional justice. As to equal participation, the JEP has a gender-balanced bench of magistrates, and it has launched a victims’ protection program that expressly focuses on gender-based violence. Furthermore, the JEP has incorporated procedural guarantees to prevent the re- traumatization of victims and witnesses. Additionally, the amnesty provisions of the JEP avoid impunity for gender-based crimes. Nevertheless, there are aspects of the JEP that limit the reach of the gender- based approach. Firstly, the JEP will focus on conflict-related public violence, and it lacks jurisdiction over intra-family private violence. Secondly, the court tends to center its attention on sexual violence and does not grant other forms of gender- based violence the same attention. However, these limitations are not unique for the JEP, and similar issues are found in international standards.

How do victims of violence perceive blanket amnesties as part of transitional justice mechanisms in war-torn societies? The amnesty law is critical for conflict resolutions and post-conflict reconciliation processes. Governments and third parties use amnesties as a transitional justice instrument to end the violence because it ensures that conflict leaders will accept to engage in peace talks. However, a blanket amnesty restrains the victims’ narratives of past atrocities in the transitional justice process in exchange for peace. The amnesty in Angola illustrates this policy. The attempt to balance past and future avoids the risks of too much truth-telling from breaking peace negotiations. In a situation where peace and justice compete, this paper considers the victims as agents in the process.  To this end, I enquire about the victims’ views about blanket amnesty. To find out, I explore the victims’ perceptions of the blanket amnesty in Angola and their engagement in transitional justice processes through their self-awareness. Specifically, how they apprehend their capabilities and social-political environment opportunities to change. For this purpose, I used Bandura’s self-efficacy theory of human agency to glean the victims’ consciousness of the political environment and capabilities. I argue that the victims’ self-efficacy level determines their perceptions of blanket amnesty and engagement as part of the transitional justice process that inflicts such an overwhelming impact on their lives. This study offers a micro-level interdisciplinary perspective to the transitional justice study field.

No description available.

This thesis explores how the documentary film The Apology (as a medium) and its filmmaker (as a carrier group) functions as connection points between cultural trauma and transitional justice reparations driving social change. Earlier approaches to bringing justice to comfort women have been based on legal frameworks which this thesis considers restrictive and instead examines justice and reparations from a victim-centred perspective. To dig for details about how the protagonists' and the filmmaker understand justice, this thesis conducted a narrative analysis of the documentary film The Apology and an interview with the film director. Connecting theories from cultural trauma and transitional justice, the findings show a lack of higher levels of participation of the comfort women in designing and implementing justice and reparation programmes. The documentary produced new master narratives that facilitated the comfort women’s identity shift from passive receivers to active seekers of justice and reparations. This thesis concludes that carrier groups are humane agents with the ability to create powerful influencing narratives to support collective identity shaping, awareness raising, and push for social change and government actions. Finally, an effective public apology must be victim-centred and truthful. Otherwise, it risks remaining as a nice-looking political gesture to deceive the public.

No description available.

In 2016 the Colombian Government signed an historic peace deal with the main guerrilla group, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia-People's Army (FARC-EP) after decades of armed conflict. In the same year Canada pledged $57.4M in development funding to help Colombia recover in the post-peace deal era. Since 2016 the Peace and Stabilisation Operations Program (PSOPs) alone has invested $35.3M in the country. With the launch of Canada's Feminist International Assistance Policy (FIAP) in 2017, many of these initiatives unfolded in a new policy context and were characterised by commitments to make gender equality a priority. This study looks at the intersection of Canadian aid, transitional justice, and gender in Colombia through a feminist-institutionalist lens. It aims to assess the impact of Canadian-funded projects from these areas along a spectrum that varies from 'gendered transitional justice' to 'transformative transitional justice'. The thesis concludes that the impact of Canadian assistance is found in the in-between area of 'gendered transitional justice' and 'transformative transitional justice', characterized by some progress away from the status quo of 'gendered transitional justice', but without hitting the transformative mark. Through a feminist institutionalist lens, we argue that it is the complex socio-political landscape of Colombia overlaying the agency of Canada's implementing partners, their Southern counterparts and the agency of the donor, and the sum of these interactions that both enable and limit the full transformative capacity of the intervention and situate its impact somewhere in the middle.

Cela fait plusieurs années que le conflit au Sri Lanka s’est officiellement terminé. Pendant près de 20 ans, l’armée et les Tigres de Libération de l’Îlam tamoul se sont affrontés. Durant les années de conflit, le gouvernement sri lankais a instruit plusieurs commissions d’enquête et de vérité afin de faire face aux abus et aux violations des droits humains. Celles-ci n’ont pas exaucé les promesses de vérité et justice dont elles étaient porteuses. Il en va de même pour les commissions étant apparu à la fin du conflit. Cette recherche a pour but l’analyse de la primauté du droit au Sri Lanka à l’issue des différents mécanismes se rapportant à la justice transitionnelle dans le pays. Plus précisément, nous procédons à un travail de définition de la primauté du droit qui s’attache aux échecs du gouvernement dans sa tentative de faire face à l’héritage du conflit. En conclusion, nous fournissons une définition de la primauté du droit capable de revaloriser la justice transitionnelle dans le pays, et dont les caractéristiques sont fondées sur une approche holistique du contexte. / It has been almost several years since the conflict in Sri Lanka officially ended. For nearly 20 years, the army, and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Îlam fought. During the years of conflict, the Sri Lankan government initiated several commissions of inquiry and truth commissions to address human rights abuses and violations. These commissions have not kept their promise of truth and justice. The same is true for the commissions that emerged at the end of the conflict. The purpose of this research is to analyze the rule of law in Sri Lanka through the various transitional justice mechanisms in the country. Specifically, we proceed to define the rule of law as it relates to the failures of the government to address the legacy of the conflict. In conclusion, we provide a definition of the rule of law capable of enhancing transitional justice in the country and whose characteristics are based on a holistic approach to context.