This thesis deals with the topic of work-life balance in narrations of Ukrainian female migrants in the Czech Republic. Female migrants are in a difficult situation while managing these two spheres of their lives, because they are situated in an unknown milieu and lack family environment and social ties. Based on fourteen in-depth interviews I analyze how these women deal with this situation and how they feel about it. The research shows that the women's work trajectories develop in accordance with their reasons to migrate and their family situation. The family situation especially their motherhood seems to be crucial in choosing the work-life balance strategies. Thus, in my analysis I show how these strategies differs among women who brought their children with them to the Czech republic, those who brought them later, those who left them at Ukraine and those who gave birth to their first children in the Czech Republic. The main attention is paid to female migrants whose children joint them later as they go through the most distinct changes in managing their work-life balance. In my analysis I identified some problems which Ukrainian migrants have to face considering reconciliation of their work and personal life. The most crucial one is the absence of the extended family and its help with...

[pt] Esta é uma pesquisa no campo da internet e política nos subcampos da esfera pública e do ativismo transnacional. O objetivo deste trabalho é identificar a constituição de públicos transnacionais, que se expressam por meio do ativismo, utilizando as mídias digitais. A partir de uma revisão de literatura, serão analisados dois casos emblemáticos do ativismo transnacional: os protestos coordenados de 15 fevereiro de 2003, realizados simultaneamente em diversos lugares do mundo contra a iminente Guerra do Iraque, e os protestos de 2011 no Egito até a renúncia do então presidente Hosni Mubarak, localizados no contexto da Primavera Árabe, que incluiu eventos parecidos em outros países da região e forte uso das mídias sociais. Serão trabalhadas as seguintes questões nos casos estudados: 1) quais as características desses públicos?; 2) de que forma as mídias sociais são utilizadas?; 3) o que torna esses movimentos transnacionais? Nossa tentativa é a de contribuir para as pesquisas sobre o ativismo - e sobre a esfera pública - transnacional, utilizando como fonte estudos já realizados na área. / [en] This is a research in the field of Internet and Politics in the subfield of the public sphere and transnational activism. The aim of this work is to identify the constitution of transnational publics, which are expressed through activism, using digital media. Based on a literature review, two emblematic cases of transnational activism will be analyzed: the coordinated protests of 15 February 2003, held simultaneously in many countries against the imminent Iraq War, and the 2011 protests in Egypt that took place until the resignation of the president Hosni Mubarak, and were located in the context of the Arab Spring, which included similar events in other Arab countries and strong use of social media. Both cases will be studied in light of the following questions: 1) which are the characteristics of these publics that may be formed around certain issues?; 2) how was social media used?; 3) what makes these publics transnational? By doing so, we hope to contribute to the research on transnational activism and public sphere.

This dissertation theorizes the synthesis of solidarities around queer embodied performativities as a mode of making-resistant the everyday experiences of exploitation under transnational capitalism. These solidarities, I argue, are cultivated around the affective, embodied experiences of what José Esteban Muñoz terms "queer time," which I extend to denote the ephemeral, experiential sensations of being "out of sync" with the structures and norms of capital-space-time power assemblages. I theorize "emulsion" as a heuristic for envisioning synthetic solidarities as making space and time for the importantly distinct experiences of queer spatio-temporalities of those at the various intersections of marginalized/minoritized identities to coagulate and coalesce into something new – at once remaining beautifully fragmented and becoming grotesquely amalgamated beyond distinction. I suggest that such trans-spatial/temporal/material solidarities, formed via antinormative performativities and the curation of "revolting archives," existent and not-yet-formed alike, can and indeed already do resist the totalizing and unplaceable ether of increasingly transnational capitalism across scales. This dissertation takes form and transdisciplinarity to be a part of the praxis/theory of cultivating such synthetic solidarities that confound the structures of capital-space-time. As such, I (gender)fuck with genre, and format throughout, interweaving theoretical and autotheoretical writing with prose, poetics, and altered text to create a visceral sense of disruption of spatiotemporality in not only content, but the affective experience of reading the piece itself. This dissertation thus moves across disciplines via a theoretical constellation of critical scholarship including affect theory, queer theory, (neo)Marxist theory, Black feminist theory, post- and de-colonial theory, disability theory, and transnational feminism. / Doctor of Philosophy / In this dissertation, I attend to two primary concerns: first, the ways in which the power structures of transnational capitalism are fundamentally affective in nature, such that they act unevenly on and are accordingly felt/sensed/experienced unevenly by embodied subjects through processes of exploitation, subjugation, and marginalization necessary to maintain and perpetuate capitalist structures; and secondly, the ways in which emergent movements attempting to resist structures of global capitalism/the effects thereof have failed to do so, in that the most marginalized have been continuously, violently excluded from those same movements which (cl)aim to include them, or be in solidarity with them, all under some unilateral and exclusionary notion of "we/us." This dissertation works with a curated collection affect theory, queer theory, auto-theory (neo)Marxist theory, Black feminist theory, post- and de-colonial theory, disability theory, and transnational feminism to theorize transnational capitalism as always already affective and embodied, an important dimension of global power structures that has been left largely unaddressed in global politics/international studies. I argue that global capitalism itself is comprised of linear capital-space-time power assemblages which act to exploit embodied subjects – disproportionately acting on/experienced by historically marginalized and minoritized bodies – across scale, space, and time in order to maintain itself and ensure its perpetuation into futurity. I take particular interest in the affective/sensed, everyday, varied lived experiences of nonlinearity by subjugated bodies – theorized in this project as an expanded notion of "queer time" as conceived of by José Esteban Muñoz – by the most marginalized under those structures, and further argue using playfulness with form and the heuristic of emulsification that those affective experiences of queer spatiotemporalities can be taken up as that around which meaningful, resistant solidarities under global capitalism can be synthesized.

In Deutschland hat ein kleiner Anteil der deutschtürkischen UnternehmerInnen in letzter Zeit vielerlei wirtschaftliche Kontakte zu verschiedenen Ländern hergestellt und weltweit transnationale Firmen gegründet. Die vorliegende qualitative Studie zeigt, dass es nicht im Wesentlichen ethnische Netzwerke waren, auf die sie dabei gebaut haben, sondern dass sie aufgrund ihrer eigenen Voraussetzungen (hoher Bildungsstand, Fachwissen, Erfahrung, Unternehmergeist) in der Lage sind, die Möglichkeiten zu nutzen, die sich aus dem globalen Wandel ergeben. Im Gegensatz zu transnationalen Aktivitäten, die frühere Studien für die Amerikas dokumentieren, sind deutschtürkische transnationale UnternehmerInnen vielseitiger und globaler. Zum einen handeln Sie mit Textilien, Elektronik, Technologie, Unterhaltung, Tourismus und Lebensmitteln. Zum anderen unterhalten sie Geschäftsbeziehungen zu KundInnen aus der ganzen Welt, aus Asien, Afrika, Europa, Australien und den Amerikas. Grundsätzlich kann man sagen, dass deutschtürkische transnationale UntermehmerInnen vielseitige Verbindungen in den verschiedensten Länder der Welt pflegen und dass ihr unternehmerischer Erfolg nicht maßgeblich von Verbindungen zur Türkei abhängt. / In Germany, a minority of Turkish immigrant entrepreneurs recently have developed multiple economic linkages with different countries, and set up transnational firms across the globe. This qualitative research finds that they have not relied heavily on the ethnic networks but draw on sufficient human capital to exploit resources and opportunities arising from the globalising changes. Compared to the transnational activities in previous studies conducted in the Americas, the Turkish transnational entrepreneurs are more diverse and global. First, their ventures include textiles, electronics, technology, entertainment, tourism and food production. Second, their clientele is worldwide covering Asia, Africa, Europe, Australia and the Americas. In essence, the Turkish transnational entrepreneurs have developed multiple ties that span different countries all over the world, and their economic success is not largely dependent on ties with their home country.

The presence of German immigrants - especially the German orphans of 1948, was a known phenomenon to the South African community during the 20th century. After the Second World War, South Africa’s economy developed rapidly and the skills shortage drew immigrants from all over the world. For Germans, South Africa became a prime destination. They were mostly welcomed with open arms. Many of them also played an important role in South African society. Knowledge regarding these Germans, especially those who immigrated between 1945 and 1980, is fading in the 21st century, a century of dramatic changes and challenges. It appears that very little is known with regard to the contribution these German immigrants made towards the development of South Africa and how they integrated into the South African community. Each immigrant brings his own identity, worldview and concepts of how institutions should function. They bridge national borders and entered a new society with its own identity, or in the case of South Africa, multi ethnic identities. The immigrants have to integrate and adapt to the new culture and ways, while they still retain their old cultures. In the process, they develop a new identity, a trans nationality. They influence their environment and the people they came into contact with. In the 1970‟s, it was especially the German historians who developed a new historiography, known as transnational history writing. After the Second World War, the relationships of the Germans and the French became intertwined in Europe. This necessitated a new approach to the communal coexistence of communities in a fast - changing Europe. Previously history was largely written within the context of the national state and within geographic borders. Now history was developing over national borders and people of different nations were starting to live shared lives. By making comparisons and emphasizing differences, a new theory and principles of transnationalism and trans nationality surfaced. This study approaches transnationalism from the context of a family history, with a biographical case study of a single citizen who emigrated from Germany to South Africa. The focus is on how Wolfgang Wehrmeyer was transplanted to a new country and how he developed a transnational identity. This biographical case study is incorporated into a prosopography with the personal experiences of fellow German immigrants in order to gain a comprehensive insight on trans nationality. The findings are analysed and synthesised to come to a comprehensive conclusion as to how German immigrants experienced transnationalism. The purpose of the study is to make a contribution to our knowledge of transnational historiography in South Africa, as well as to our knowledge about the German immigrants and their experiences.

The presence of German immigrants - especially the German orphans of 1948, was a known phenomenon to the South African community during the 20th century. After the Second World War, South Africa’s economy developed rapidly and the skills shortage drew immigrants from all over the world. For Germans, South Africa became a prime destination. They were mostly welcomed with open arms. Many of them also played an important role in South African society. Knowledge regarding these Germans, especially those who immigrated between 1945 and 1980, is fading in the 21st century, a century of dramatic changes and challenges. It appears that very little is known with regard to the contribution these German immigrants made towards the development of South Africa and how they integrated into the South African community. Each immigrant brings his own identity, worldview and concepts of how institutions should function. They bridge national borders and entered a new society with its own identity, or in the case of South Africa, multi ethnic identities. The immigrants have to integrate and adapt to the new culture and ways, while they still retain their old cultures. In the process, they develop a new identity, a trans nationality. They influence their environment and the people they came into contact with. In the 1970‟s, it was especially the German historians who developed a new historiography, known as transnational history writing. After the Second World War, the relationships of the Germans and the French became intertwined in Europe. This necessitated a new approach to the communal coexistence of communities in a fast - changing Europe. Previously history was largely written within the context of the national state and within geographic borders. Now history was developing over national borders and people of different nations were starting to live shared lives. By making comparisons and emphasizing differences, a new theory and principles of transnationalism and trans nationality surfaced. This study approaches transnationalism from the context of a family history, with a biographical case study of a single citizen who emigrated from Germany to South Africa. The focus is on how Wolfgang Wehrmeyer was transplanted to a new country and how he developed a transnational identity. This biographical case study is incorporated into a prosopography with the personal experiences of fellow German immigrants in order to gain a comprehensive insight on trans nationality. The findings are analysed and synthesised to come to a comprehensive conclusion as to how German immigrants experienced transnationalism. The purpose of the study is to make a contribution to our knowledge of transnational historiography in South Africa, as well as to our knowledge about the German immigrants and their experiences.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2015. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This research study discusses the extent to which transnational organised crime (TOC) has had an impact on Norwegian immigration policy. There has been a public debate in Norway about the involvement of asylum seekers in various forms of organised crime, leading immigration authorities to lament their insufficient resources and means to tackle the problem. Simultaneously, restrictive amendments have been made to the Norwegian Immigration Act, suggesting that immigration law is applied against TOC. The aim of the study is to understand why there has been a change in Norwegian immigration policy, and to discuss the effects and implications of the change. The study is a single-case study using qualitative methods, as the study seeks to provide a detailed description of Norwegian immigration policy and the context in which the changes in the immigration policy have been made. The case of Norway has been chosen because of the increasing focus that TOC has been receiving from Norwegian immigration authorities, accompanied by broad media coverage and restrictive amendments to the Immigration Act. The theories that are applied – criminologies of the self and the other, crimmigration, and securitisation theory – are all chosen because they address different aspects of “us” and “them” thinking. The study argues that the increased focus on transnational organised crime in Norwegian crime statistics reflects the narrative of the criminal other, found in criminologies of the self and the other. Within this narrative the criminal others are distinctly different from ordinary citizens of society and must be excluded for our own security and protection. This contributes to reinforcement of a discourse in which asylum seekers and illegal immigrants become difficult to distinguish from suspicious others and criminals. Accordingly, there is support for the claim that Norwegian immigration policy has been subject to a process of crimmigration. Further, it is found that Norwegian immigration policy has been securitised. It is concluded that although there might be a connection between transnational organised crime and a shift in immigration policy, the change in immigration policy is rather a result of the larger issue of immigration in general. The theoretical framework shows how immigration becomes framed within a security and criminal context, leading to a narrative where the other becomes a potential threat to members of society. This is problematic in a world where inequality is on the rise, and international conventions on human rights are at odds with punitive populism. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie navorsingstudie bespreek tot watter mate transnasionale georganiseerde misdaad ʼn impak gehad het op Noorweë se immigrasiebeleid. ʼn Openbare debat is in Noorweë gevoer oor die betrokkenheid van asielsoekers by verskeie vorme van georganiseerde misdaad, wat daartoe gelei het dat immigrasie-owerhede beswaar gemaak het teen die onvoldoende hulpbronne en middele wat tot hul beskikking is om die probleem aan te spreek. Terselfdertyd is beperkende wysigings in Noorweë se immigrasiewet aangebring wat aandui dat immigrasiereg teen transnasionale georganiseerde misdaad aangewend moet word. Die doel van hierdie studie was om te verstaan waarom ʼn verandering in Noorweë se immigrasiebeleid aangebring is en om die gevolge en implikasies van hierdie verandering te ondersoek. ʼn Enkele gevallestudie is in hierdie studie onderneem en daar is gebruik gemaak van kwalitatiewe metodes om die navorser in staat te stel om ʼn gedetailleerde beskrywing te gee van Noorweë se immigrasiebeleid en die konteks waarbinne die veranderinge in hierdie beleid aangebring is. Noorweë is as gevallestudie gekies as gevolg van die toenemende fokus wat deur Noorweegse immigrasieowerhede op transnasionale georganiseerde misdaad geplaas word, vergesel van omvattende mediadekking, en die beperkende wysigings wat in die immigrasiewet aangebring is. Die teorieë wat in hierdie studie aangewend is – kriminologie oor die “self” en die “ander”, “krimigrasie” (crimmigration) en sekerheidsteorie – is gekies op grond daarvan dat hulle verskillende aspekte van denke oor “ons” (die “self”) en “hulle” (die “ander”) aanspreek. In hierdie studie word daar geargumenteer dat die toenemende fokus op transnasionale georganiseerde misdaad in Noorweegse misdaadstatistiek die narratief van die kriminele “ander” reflekteer, waarna daar in die kriminologie oor die “self” en die “ander” verwys word. In hierdie narratief word ʼn duidelike onderskeid tussen die kriminele “ander” en die “gewone” burgers getref en die kriminele moet ter wille van hierdie burgers se veiligheid en beskerming uitgesluit word van die samelewing. Dit dra by tot die versterking van ʼn diskoers waarin dit moeilik word om asielsoekers en onwettige immigrante van verdagtes en kriminele te onderskei. Dienooreenkomstig daarmee is daar steun vir die bewering dat Noorweë se immigrasiebeleid onderworpe is aan ʼn krimigrasieproses. Verder is daar bevind dat Noorweë se immigrasiebeleid aangepas is deur dit binne ʼn sekerheidsraamwerk te plaas. Daar is tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat alhoewel daar ʼn verband tussen transnasionale georganiseerde misdaad en ʼn verskuiwing in immigrasiebeleid mag wees, die verandering in immigrasiebeleid eerder ʼn gevolg is van die groter kwessie rondom immigrasie in die algemeen. Die teoretiese raamwerk dui aan hoe immigrasie geskets word in ʼn sekuriteits- en kriminele konteks, wat lei tot ʼn narratief waar die “ander” ʼn potensiële bedreiging vir lede van die samelewing word. Dit is problematies in ʼn wêreld waar ongelykheid toeneem en internasionale konvensies oor menseregte strydig is met strafbare populisme.

Museums Connect stands at the intersection of public history and public diplomacy. The program, which has both public history and public diplomacy agendas, is sponsored by the United States Department of State and administered by the American Alliance of Museums. This dissertation examines the competing impulses of transnational public history and public diplomacy made manifest in Museums Connect and its ramifications for public history theory and practice. The project demonstrates both the seeming similarities between public history’s ideas of shared authority, dialogic museum practice, and community engagement and public diplomacy’s “people-to-people” diplomacy, as well as the limits of these similarities. This dissertation also considers the ramifications of these dynamics on museum and public history practice and theory. It is shown that the assumptions of public diplomacy found in Museums Connect inform the program’s structure and operation, while also precluding a truly shared authority between the American museums and their international partners. The appointment of the American museums as “lead” museums and the Department of State’s choice to focus on young people as the target audience for the program foregrounds didactic relationships between the museums and their “communities” for the projects. Through three case studies of Museums Connect projects between the United States and Afghanistan, Morocco, and South Africa, this dissertation challenges the seminal theoretical literature of public history, articulated in Michael Frisch’s A Shared Authority, that interpretive and meaning-making authority in public history is inherently shared. Each case study reveals different factors that either promote or preclude more balanced power dynamics between the museums and their communities within the broader power dynamics established by the grant. Staff reflection-in-action, project activity and partner museum choice, and the non-American public history and museological contexts are all revealed to uniquely influence the dynamics between the museums and their communities. Throughout, the agency of the non-American participants, highlighted through the responses and reactions to the unequal dynamics of the projects, complicates notions of the singular democratic public sphere that underpin the paradigm of the museum as forum.

Transnational advocacy networks (TANs) are a rapidly proliferating phenomenon in international contentious politics. Widely known for waging headline-grabbing wars of words, TANs remain under-theorised on important levels of analysis. Unsurprisingly, they have been termed ‘elusive’ in the political literature. Typically portrayed as vital service-providing agencies that by-pass official controls to relay civil society concerns to the world’s media and international policy-makers, TANs are commonly assumed to be the vociferous, Internet-enabled, offspring of traditional NGOs and, thus, heirs to the reputational capital of NGOs. However, despite this respected provenance, it is evident that TANs frequently fail to achieve their goals. Knowledge of why some TAN strategies succeed while others fail is contested and inconclusive. This empirical thesis attempts to build on the international political literature by showing why the emerging NGO typology of TANs cannot be explained without paying attention to the systemic complexity of their environment and the essentially communicative functioning of these globe-spanning advocacy cooperatives. It seeks to demonstrate also the analytical value of applying complex realism in IR praxis. Hence, the thesis explicates a real-world conundrum: What is the place and function of transnational advocacy networks in the contemporary international system and how effective are they in achieving their aims? To identify macro-structural conditions and indicators of relationship quality — primarily involving state and non-state elements in the context of the United Nations — the thesis study reclaimed macro-sociological perspective as a first stage, ‘top-down’ approach to this complex, multi-dimensional problem space. The resultant data and patterns were then tested by way of a second-stage, micro-sociological, ‘bottom-up’, case study exploration of the UN’s interface with three iconic TANs — Greenpeace, Oxfam and Human Rights Watch. By conceptualising these relationships as intersections between systemic elements constituted on different social levels and scales of complexity, the scalable methodology enabled the study to transcend the micro-macro problems inherent in the primary research question. The results indicate that TANs are a distinctive typology of NGO that the international system is struggling to evaluate and accommodate within existing arrangements for NGO engagement. Unexpectedly, the study found plausible indications that the barriers many TANs encounter are endogenously produced. The results challenge prevailing assumptions about the place and function of grassroots diplomacy in the international arena; the ability of communications strategies to remedy global problems; and the reality and limitations of ‘people power’. By highlighting under-exposed features of the contemporary international relational landscape, the thesis argues, we might better determine whether many contemporary TANs are, in fact, evolving as the best-suited champions for the urgent, political quests they adopt.

The theory of dyadic intrastate conflict cause and resolution containing transnational ethnic kin is under development. One of the things current research share is the focus on the cases where conflict erupts, or where conflict resolution fails, and its causes. The aim of this study is to try to contribute and develop the generalizing theory. The focus on the study rests on the impact that state apparatus characteristic has on risk for conflict. The research builds on theoretical framework from the consociational theory. The subject is of relevance both for the field of peace and conflict research as theory development, and for policy makers. The study has resulted in two observations. First, it supports the claim of consociational theory that enhanced presence of its nine favorable factors diminishes the risk for intrastate tension and violence. Second, it proposes that a successful decentralization is the possible key explanatory characteristic of state apparatus that decreases risk for dyadic intrastate conflict. The causal mechanism here being heightened credibility and legitimacy of constitution because of increased trust and lowered fear of further ethnic discrimination. It is necessary to verify these results before further theory development can be done.