Thesis advisor: James Cronin / Thesis advisor: Devin O. Pendas / All efforts after the First World War to found — or reform — government on a democratic basis embraced the abstract concept that democratic legitimacy derived from the consent of the people. In this new age of national self-determination, however, the practical predicament became defining who constituted “the people” and how minorities would be managed. While historians have analyzed this issue in the “new” states of central and eastern Europe, this dissertation argues that it also plagued the supposedly more mature democracies of the Western European victors — Britain, France, and Italy. An analysis of the domestic population policies of those victors demonstrates that a new conception of democracy — based on both liberalism and nationalism — led them to pursue illiberal policies of population engineering with, paradoxically, the best of intentions: the preservation and stability of democracy itself. In an era in which people were becoming more involved in choosing their governments, governments were becoming more involved in choosing their people. While the victors sought to craft a more ethical — or at least more legalistic — form of population engineering than the often violent and ad hoc versions employed further east, the result nevertheless remained at odds with the ethical foundations of liberal democracy. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2016. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: History.

O Brasil se destaca, dentre o conjunto de países, como aquele que engendrou e consolidou o uso de recursos energéticos alternativos aos combustíveis fósseis, como por exemplo, os biocombustíveis. A condição de player mundial de etanol, biocombustível produzido a partir da cana-de-açúcar, foi alcançada pelo país em decorrência dos significativos aportes financeiros concedidos pelo Estado ao setor sucroalcooleiro desde o final do século XIX e, sobretudo, durante a década de 1970, por meio do Programa Nacional do Álcool (PNA) cujo objetivo era diminuir a dependência do país em relação ao petróleo importado. Num período que se caracteriza, dentre outras questões, por uma corrida global por alimentos e novas fontes de energia limpa para suprir a crescente demanda mundial, o Brasil desponta no cenário internacional como o país que possui uma situação sui generis, uma vez que com o seu vasto território, poderia, supostamente, conciliar a produção de alimentos e de matérias-primas para a geração dos biocombustíveis (etanol e biodiesel). Investigou-se, portanto, a ocorrência simultânea dos seguintes fenômenos: a intensificação de compra de terras brasileiras por estrangeiros (para a produção de commodities agrícolas, matérias-primas para biocombustíveis e para servir de reserva de valor) e o questionamento dos agentes políticos e econômicos supraestatais quanto à sustentabilidade dos biocombustíveis, por compreenderem que o cultivo de matérias-primas voltadas para o processo produtivo do etanol e do biodiesel, pode comprometer a oferta de gêneros agrícolas de primeira necessidade, o que provocaria o aumento dos preços e elevaria o número de famintos no mundo. Assim, o objetivo dessa pesquisa, portanto, foi compreender as ações políticas do Estado brasileiro no processo de regulação do território para a produção dos recursos energéticos alternativos. Essas ações estiveram e estão condicionadas as forças externas (as corporações transnacionais, outros Estados territoriais e Instituições supraestatais) e as forças internas (os diferentes interesses dos segmentos sociais que compõe a nação). Ainda, elas têm imprimido no território brasileiro, diferentes dinâmicas sócio-espaciais cujos resultados têm sido a expansão dos canaviais sobre a região do Cerrado e o deslocamento da pecuária para o bioma da Amazônia. Convém destacar que buscamos compreender as ações do Estado brasileiro inseridas em contextos histórico-geográficos aos quais denominamos de ordens geopolíticas. Em cada uma dessas ordens geopolíticas, o Estado brasileiro esteve articulado à economia-mundo. Assim, embora as ações do Estado brasileiro tenham sido controversas e ambíguas no que diz respeito aos recursos energéticos alternativos, não se pode desconsiderar que as mesmas não tenham tido papel de relevo na consolidação de uma matriz energética mais limpa. Tal fato coloca o Brasil como um dos protagonistas nos fóruns internacionais sobre desenvolvimento sustentável. Não obstante, o setor sucroalcooleiro brasileiro tem se tornado mais concentrado, oligopolizado e desnacionalizado. E a concentração de terras pelas Corporações Transnacionais que atuam no segmento dos biocombustíveis tem sido um dos fatores que concorrem para que o Brasil ainda tenha uma segurança alimentar vulnerável. / Brazil stands out among the group of countries, such as one that engendered and consolidated the use of alternative energy sources to fossil fuels, such as biofuels. The condition of world player of ethanol, biofuel made from sugar cane, was achieved by the country as a result of significant financial contributions granted by State to the sugarcane sector since the late nineteenth century and especially during the 1970s through the National Alcohol Program (PNA) whose goal was to reduce the country\'s dependence on imported oil. In a period that is characterized, among other things, by a global race for food and new sources of clean energy to meet the growing global demand, Brazil is emerging on the international scene as the country that has a unique situation, since the its vast territory, could supposedly reconciling the production of food and raw materials for the generation of biofuels (ethanol and biodiesel). We investigated, therefore, the simultaneous occurrence of the following phenomena: the intensification of land purchases by foreigners in Brazil (for the production of agricultural commodities, raw materials for biofuels and to serve as a store of value) and questioning of political and economic agents supra regarding the sustainability of biofuels, by understanding that the cultivation of raw materials aimed at the production process of ethanol and biodiesel, can compromise the supply of farm products of first necessity, which would lead to higher prices and would increase the number of hungry people in the world. The objective of this study was therefore to understand the political actions of the Brazilian state in the regulation of the territory for the production of alternative energy resources. These actions were and are conditioned external forces (transnational corporations, territorial states and other institutions supra) and internal forces (the different interests of social groups that make up the nation). Still, they are printed in the Brazilian territory, different socio-spatial dynamics whose results have been the expansion of sugarcane plantations on the Cerrado region and the displacement of cattle ranching to the Amazon biome. It should be noted that we try to understand the actions of the Brazilian state entered into historical and geographical contexts to which we call geopolitical orders. In each of these geopolitical orders, the Brazilian state was articulated to the world economy. Thus, although the actions of the Brazilian state have been controversial and ambiguous with respect to alternative energy resources, one can not ignore that they have not had major role in the consolidation of a cleaner energy matrix. This fact places Brazil as a major actor in international forums on sustainable development. Nevertheless, the Brazilian sugarcane sector has become more concentrated, oligopolistic and stateless. And the concentration of land by transnational corporations that operate in biofuels has been one of the factors that contribute to that Brazil still has a vulnerable food security.

This study discusses the purpose, process and practice of quality assurance in transnational education (TNE) wherein institutions in one country award their degrees to students studying in another. This arrangement raises the issue of how the quality and standards of the degree programmes are assured so that they enable the programmes delivered in one country to be considered as being of a comparable quality and standard to those delivered in another. The study explores how the cross-national implementation of quality assurance is conducted and perceived by those engaged in it and the challenges such activity faces. Using data collected via structured interviews in Sri Lanka and the UK, the study examines the perceptions of participants in TNE collaboration. The analysis is undertaken within a conceptual framework developed from inter-firm relationship and supply chain management theories. The concept of “relational capital”, and its creation through socialisation activity, is proposed as a key factor in understanding TNE. A further body of literature is explored, that of inter-cultural communication and inter-cultural competence. The study contributes to the literature on TNE and internationalisation by identifying a tension between the financial drivers behind TNE and the resource intensive activities required to build relational capital. The findings are developed into a conceptual model for quality assurance in TNE, which can be used in the planning, management and evaluation of TNE and is designed to develop relational capital through the relational and inter-cultural competences of those engaged in such work. Through such a development, it is argued, quality assurance in TNE can move away from a process of enforced compliance with the prevailing quality assurance processes to one driven by a shared quality culture in which capacity building in the partner institutions of TNE can be achieved.

Este trabalho analisa as relações entre a política externa de direitos humanos do México durante os governos Salinas, Zedillo e Fox (1988-2006) e o processo de democratização que avançava nesse mesmo período no país, explorando o impacto da transição política sobre as mudanças que ocorreram na política externa mexicana de direitos humanos. Nossa hipótese é a de que o impacto do processo de democratização na política externa de direitos humanos do México tem dois momentos e lógicas distintos. O primeiro momento pode ser descrito pela literatura do modelo bumerangue-espiral com considerações teóricas da perspectiva de oportunidades política e corresponde aos governos Salinas e Zedillo. Já o segundo momento, equivalente ao governo Fox, pode ser explicado pela tese do lock-in. Durante os governos Salinas e Zedillo, a consolidação do processo de democratização do país, em marcha pelo menos desde a reforma eleitoral de 1977, criou uma estrutura de oportunidades políticas mais favorável que contribuiu para a emergência e proliferação de ONGs mexicanas de direitos humanos. Essas ONGs locais se uniriam, depois, à rede transnacional de ativismo em direitos humanos para pressionarem o governo mexicano em temas de direitos humanos ao longo da década de 1990. Os governos mexicanos, em resposta, começaram a alterar importantes características da política externa tradicional mexicana para tentar evitar custos de imagem e a pressão internacional. Por fim, o segundo momento analisado neste trabalho corresponde ao período do governo Fox, quando as mudanças na política externa mexicana de direitos humanos não foram resultado da pressão exercida pela rede transnacional de ativistas, como é descrito pelos modelos bumerangue e espiral. As mudanças foram iniciadas endogenamente no governo, que buscava ancorar a nova situação democrática do México no exterior por meio de compromissos internacionais de direitos humanos. Buscava-se, ademais, assegurar e convencer as audiências internacionais sobre a credibilidade dessa nova postura do Estado mexicano com relação às reformas democráticas e os direitos humanos. / This dissertation analyzes the links between Mexicos human rights foreign policy during Salinas, Zedillos and Foxs governments (1988-2006) and the democratization process that was also occurring in this same period, exploring the impact of the political transition on the changes that occurred in Mexican human rights foreign policy. Our hypothesis is that the impact of the democratization process on Mexican human rights foreign policy has two distinct moments and rationales: first, one that is described by the boomerang-spiral model literature with theoretical insights of the political opportunity perspective and equivalent to Salinas and Zedillos years in government; second, one that is explained by the lock-in thesis for Foxs government. During Salinas and Zedillos years, the consolidation of the democratization process that had been in motion at least since 1977 created a more favorable political opportunity structure that helped to increase the number of Mexican human rights NGOs; these NGOs joined later a transnational human rights advocacy network and together they pressed the Mexican government for themes concerning human rights. In response, Mexican administrations started to change important features of Mexicos traditional foreign policy to avoid image costs and pressure. Finally, the second moment analyzed in this dissertation comprises the years of Foxs government. Here the changes in the human rights foreign policy were not the result of the pressure exercised by the transnational human rights network of activists as described by the boomerang and spiral models. They were initiated endogenously in the government, which expected to lock in Mexicos new democratic situation with international commitments and to assure international audiences of the credibility of its commitments to democratic reforms and human rights.

A partir da perspectiva do fortalecimento da autonomia social dos diversos povos da Humanidade em relação ao Estado e às grandes corporações financeiras, a pesquisa aborda a atualidade dos conceitos e das práticas da educação integral e da ecologia social. Por um lado, procuro analisar criticamente a incorporação das ciências da educação e da ecologia no processo de transnacionalização do capital. Pelo outro lado, enfatizo as possibilidades de práticas de educação e ecologia na construção de relações sociais voltadas para as habilidades de auto-governo de comunidades e populações tradicionais. Assim, apresento alguns dos antecedentes históricos da educação integral e da ecologia social, e em seguida ressalto experiências inovadoras atuais nessas áreas do conhecimento. Durante este trabalho, destaco a experiência da Escola da Ponte, em Portugal. Finalmente, procuro estabelecer relações entre as novas formas de preconceito social e a visão urbanocêntrica de desenvolvimento humano, e alguns dos impactos sócioambientais e genocídios culturais contemporâneos sofridos pelas pessoas que não concordam com este caminho de existência humana. / Under the perspective of strengthening of the social autonomy of the various peoples of humanity in relation to the State and to the financial corporations, the research is about the actuality of the concepts and the practices of the integral education and the social ecology. On one hand, I intend to analyse in a critical way the incorporation of the sciences of education and ecology in the movements of transnationalization of the capital. On the other hand, I enphasize the possibilities of the practices of education and ecology in the building up of social relation towards the self-government habilities of the communities and traditional peoples. So, I introduce some of the historical antecedents of the integral education and the social ecology, and therefore resilience some of the actual innovate experiences in these fields. During this work, I highlight the school experience at the Escola da Ponte, Portugal. Finally, I intend to establish relations between the newest forms of social prejudice and the vision of the human development urbancentric, and some of the social ambiental impacts and contemporaneous cultural genocides suffered by the people that do not agree with that way of human existence.

Nas últimas décadas surgiram diversas doutrinas sobre possíveis evoluções do constitucionalismo, impulsionadas pelos processos de globalização, regionalização e transnacionalização. Partindo da ideia de crise do Estado moderno e crise da soberania, doutrinadores nacionais e estrangeiros desenvolvem teorias sobre um constitucionalismo sem Estado e sem Constituição, múltiplos constitucionalismos convivendo sem relação hierárquica entre eles. Assim, a partir da análise dos conceitos clássicos e das principais doutrinas sobre as diferentes formas de aproximação entre o direito constitucional e o direito internacional, procura-se avaliar o impacto real da globalização no Estado moderno, em especial para a soberania nacional e o direito constitucional. Busca-se demonstrar que ainda há lugar para a soberania. / In recent decades, various doctrines about possible developments of constitutionalism emerged, driven by the process of globalization, regionalization and transnationalization. Starting from the idea of the modern State crisis and sovereignty crisis, domestic and foreign scholars develop theories over a constitutionalism without a state or constitution, multiple constitutionalism coexisting with no hierarchical relationship between them. Thus, from the analysis of classical concepts and the main doctrines about the different ways of approaching the constitutional law and international law, seeks to assess the real impact of globalization in the modern State, especially for national sovereignty and constitutional law. It is quite evident that there is still room for sovereignty.

Esta pesquisa aborda a atuação do 4° BPAF – Batalhão de Polícia de Área de Fronteira da Brigada Militar no policiamento na Fronteira Noroeste do RS, frente aos crimes transfronteiriços e transnacionais praticados pelas redes de criminosos. A Brigada Militar não possui atribuição legal para atuar frente aos crimes transnacionais que demandam o trabalho de inteligência, envolvendo investigações de redes criminosas internacionais que ultrapassam a linha de fronteira. Na prática, devido a limitações e à falta de efetivo dos Órgãos Federais de segurança na fronteira, a Brigada Militar vem atuando contra estes tipos de crimes. E casos específicos quando o crime é de cunho transnacional o 4° Batalhão de Polícia de Área de Fronteira da Brigada Militar atende pedidos da Polícia Federal e Receita Federal, realizando operações ao longo da Fronteira Noroeste com prisões de contrabandistas, traficantes de drogas e abigeatários. O policiamento do 4°BPAF da Brigada Militar evoluiu ao longo dos anos, passando de simples patrulhas rurais para patrulhas operacionais especializadas em Fronteira. Com a atuação dos criminosos na região da fronteira em crimes transfronteiriços que se tornaram corriqueiros, o comando do 4°BPAF criou o POE- Pelotão de Operações Especiais para atuar nas patrulhas na fronteira. A partir de 2012 o Governo Federal lança o PEF-Plano Estratégico de Fronteira e a ENAFRON- Estratégia Nacional de Fronteira investindo em viaturas, equipamentos, formação e treinamento de recursos humanos para as Organizações Policiais Militares dos estados da federação na Faixa de Fronteira O estado do Rio Grande do Sul aderiu a esse programa da ENAFRON e não demorou muito para o Alto Comando e o Estado Maior da Brigada Militar elaborarem a Diretriz Geral de Segurança Pública em Área de Fronteira N°26/2012 que foi atualizada pela Diretriz de Policiamento em Áreas de Fronteiras N°034/2015. Também ocorreu nesta época um incremento na realização de operações conjuntas da Brigada Militar, tanto com órgãos Federais de segurança pública e com Exército Brasileiro, como em operações Simultâneas Internacionais com a Polícia de Misiones e a Gendarmeria Nacional Argentina, estreitando assim os laços entre as polícias da Argentina e a Brigada Militar. Este trabalho aborda as técnicas de investigação usadas pelo 4° BPAF da Brigada Militar em sua Atividade de Inteligência e modus operandi no combate aos criminosos na Fronteira Noroeste do Rio Grande do Sul. O 4° BPAF tem um papel muito importante na fronteira em relação ao combate a criminalidade, pois realiza um trabalho que vem ajudando a diminuir a criminalidade da sociedade não só a local, mas também contribui para diminuir os índices de violência ligado ao tráfico de drogas, roubos de veículos nos grandes centros urbanos do estado do Rio Grande do Sul. / This research deals with the performance of the 4th BPAF - Border Brigade Military Battalion of the Military Brigade in the policing in the Northwest Frontier of RS against transboundary and transnational crimes practiced by criminal networks. The Military Brigade has no legal authority to act in the face of transnational crimes, which requires the work of intelligence, involving investigations of international criminal networks that cross the border line. In practice, due to limitations and lack of workers of the Federal Border Security Bodies, the Military Brigade has been acting against these types of crimes. Moreover, specific cases when the crime is transnational in nature, the 4th Border Brigade Battalion of the Military Brigade responds to requests from the Federal Police and the Federal Revenue, conducting operations along the Northwest Frontier with arrests of smugglers, drug traffickers and cattle thieves. The policing of the 4th BPAF of the Military Brigade has evolved over the years, going from simple rural patrols to specialized operational patrols on the border. As cross-border crimes became commonplace, the 4th BPAF command created the POE-Special Operations Squadron to operate on border patrols. Starting in 2012, the Federal Government launches the Border Strategic Plan (PEF) and ENAFRON - National Border Strategy investing in vehicles, equipment, and human resources training for the Military Police Organizations of the states of the federation in the border fringe. The state of Rio Grande do Sul adhered to the ENAFRON program and it did not take long for the High Command and the General Staff of the Military Brigade to elaborate the General Directive of Public Security in Border Area N ° 26/2012 updated by the Police Directive in Border Areas N ° 034/2015. At the same time, there was an increase of joint operations of the Military Brigade, both with Federal public security organs and with the Brazilian Army, as well as in simultaneous international operations with the Misiones Police and the Argentine National Gendarmerie, thus strengthening the ties between the Argentine police and the Military Brigade. This work addresses the investigation techniques of the 4th BPAF of the Military Brigade in its Intelligence Activity and modus operandi in the fight against criminals in the Northwest Frontier of Rio Grande do Sul. The 4th BPAF has a very important role in the frontier in relation to combat crime, since it carries out work that has helped to reduce the society criminality, not only local crime, but also contributes to reduce the rates of violence related to drug trafficking, theft of vehicles in large urban centers in the state of Rio Grande do Sul.

O presente trabalho tem como objetivo compreender as motivações para a formação de uma parceria entre o líder pentecostal brasileiro Isaías Figueiró, presidente e fundador da Igreja Encontros de Fé, situada em Porto Alegre, no Brasil, e sueco, o pastor Ulf Ekman, presidente e fundador da igreja Word of Life, situada em Uppsala, na Suécia. A parceria teve como escopo a implantação da escola bíblica Word of Life, fundada pelo pastor Ulf Ekman, em Porto Alegre. Embora tivesse sido pensada para durar dois anos, a escola foi finalizada ao término do primeiro ano. Em Porto Alegre, a escola contou com a presença permanente de um casal sueco e de outros onze professores volantes da Escandinávia. Esta experiência carregava consigo motivações e expectativas de ambas igrejas. O objeto deste trabalho consiste em compreender, a posteriori, os elementos presentes na formação da parceria transnacional de ambas as igrejas e, especialmente, entender o término da ação em torno da escola bíblica, cuja experiência consistiu num êxito relativo. Para desenvolver esta pesquisa foi utilizado o método etnográfico, que implicou em um sem número de participações em cultos celebrados na igreja Encontros de Fé e em várias entrevistas semi-dirigidas realizadas com os líderes da igreja Encontros de Fé, Isaías Figueiró e Christian Lo Iacono, com os alunos da escola e com o diretor da escola no Brasil, Calle Lilja e com o professor Roar Sørensen. / This research aims to understand the motivations that led to the formation of a partnership between the Brazilian Neopentecostal leader Isaías Figueiró of Encontros de Fé Church, in Porto Alegre, Brazil, and the Swedish Pentecostal charismatic leader Ulf Ekman of Word of Life Church, in Uppsala, Sweden. This partnership scope took place to implant the Swedish Bible School Word of Life, founded by Ulf Ekman, in the city of Porto Alegre. Though, It was thought to stay for two years, it finished in one year. In Porto Alegre, the school had a permanent Swedish couple living in, and other eleven Swedish teachers coming and going. This experience carried motivations and expectations from both side of the agreement. The objetc of this work consists in to understand a posteriori the existing elements in forming the transnational partnership, and specially in understanding the end of this partnership, which consisted in a relative success. In order to develop this research, it was used the ethnographic method, that meant a countless number of participant observation in the Encontros de Fé church worships and events, and semi-structured interviews conducted with the pastor leaders of Encontros de Fé church, Isaías Figueiró, Christian Lo Iacono, some students, the principal of the bible School Word of Life in Brazil, Calle Lilja and the teacher Roar Sørensen.

Depuis plus de deux décennies, 320 accords d'entreprise transnationaux (AET) ont été conclus par 190 entreprises transnationales couvrant plus de 10 millions de salariés dont 2 en Europe (y.c fournisseurs et sous-traitants). On dispose désormais du recul nécessaire pour affirmer que I' AET est un accord de droit privé, négocié en l'absence d'un cadre juridique qui l'ignore encore, par des acteurs patronaux et salariés à la légitimité parfois incertaine, mais disposant d'une large autonomie d'opportunité, de méthode, de choix des thèmes, de périmètre, et de résolution des litiges. Or cette autonomie n'est que relative: l'application homogène de I' AET en son périmètre multinational reste une gageure, puisque confrontée à la diversité des règlementations. C'est l'occasion pour I' AET de révéler sa capacité de créer et déployer ses dispositions privées sans intervention externe, en particulier du juge. Ses atouts : son opportunisme à se mouler dans les imperfections légales, à combler des vides juridiques, et à instaurer d'improbables harmonisations légales sur un périmètre qu'il se donne. Cette thèse a pour objet de démontrer que l'AET est le fruit d'un délicat équilibre reposant sur trois phases d'égale importance (négociation, déploiement et suivi) dont les engagements désormais tangibles et synallagmatiques, se consolident sur la durée. Afin que I' AET ne soit pas perçu comme une« norme d'ajustement», l'ancrage de son autonomie devrait faire l'objet d'une reconnaissance légale internationale et nationale, lui conférant une véritable identité, prohibant toute régression en matière économique, sociale et environnementale et lui permettre de se démocratiser davantage. / In the past two or so decades, 320 transnational company-wide agreements (TCAs) have been entered into by 190 transnational corporations, covering over 10 million employees (2 million in Europe), along with suppliers and sub­contractors. By now, one has sufficient hindsight to confidently state that a TCA is a private-law agreement, negotiated (statute law being silent here) by corporate management and employees (some of whom of doubtful legitimacy), and enjoying considerable leeway when it comes to opportunities, method, choice of issues, purview and conflict-resolution. That independence nonetheless remains relative: for a TCA to apply across-the-board on a multinational level continues to be somewhat hazardous, given how greatly regulations may vary. This provides the occasion for a TCA to show its capacity for setting up and deploying private provisions without third-party intervention, notably from the Courts. The advantages: its ability to fill-out, as it were, gaps in the law, making up for the law's eventual inadequacies, while harmonising the law, against ail expectation, within a self-defined purview.This thesis has been designed to show how the TCA emerges from a delicate balance between three stages, equal in importance (negotiations, deployment, follow-up) with its tangible, synallagmatic commitments consolidating as time goes on. In order for a TCA to be viewed otherwise than as a mere "adjustment-standard", we suggest that its independence should henceforth be acknowledged by both domestic and international law, thereby granting it a true identity and preventing back-sliding in economic, social and environmental matters, while enabling it to become ever more democratic.

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD (Women and Gender Studies) / Events in the last few years on the global stage have heralded a new era for domestic workers, which may afford them the voice as subaltern that has been silent until now. Despite being constructed as silent and as subjects without agency, unionised domestic workers organised themselves globally, becoming more visible and making their voices heard. This culminated in the promulgation of the International Labour Organisation's (ILO) Convention No.189 on Decent Work for Domestic Workers (or C189) in September 2013, and the establishment of the International Domestic Workers' Federation (IDWF) in October 2013. This broadening of the scope of domestic workers' activism has not yet received sufficient attention in academic research. These two historic events on their own have the potential to change the dominant discourse around domestic workers, by mobilising workers with agency to challenge the meaning of the political ideologies informing their identity positions of exploitation and subjugation.