Thesis (D. Min.)--Mid-America Baptist Theological Seminary, 2001. / Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 126-132).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2005. / Available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center; full text release delayed at author's request until 2010 May 24

Thesis (D. Min.)--Mid-America Baptist Theological Seminary, 2001. / Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 126-132).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2004. / Supervisor: Katherine Arens. Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

Texte remanié de: Diss.--Philosophische Fakultät--Köln--Universität, 1995. / Bibliogr. p. 625-692. Index.

La thèse vise à clarifier: a) la véritable nature de la renaissance religieuse présumée dans les anciens pays communistes; b) les caractéristiques de la pluralité religieuse de l'Ukraine, qui reste un pays majoritairement orthodoxe; c) l'écclesologie des principales Églises ukrainiennes (orthodoxes et la gréco-catholique), avec un examen plus approfondi de la question ecclésiologique et canonique de la proclamation d'une éventuelle autocéphalie ukrainienne. / Doctorat en Philosophie / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

The thesis examines the social memory of Soviet period in Ukraine on the national and regional levels drawing on the conceptual framework of social memory as shared, normative and formative knowledge of the past, subject to contentious interpretations of various groups and reflecting the power structure of the society. The analysis of the law on the rehabilitation of victims of political repressions in Ukraine, the law on the Holodomor as genocide against Ukrainian nation, and the decommunization laws shows that on the official level Ukraine moved from an ambivalent attitude towards the Soviet legacy, in which Stalinism was repudiated, to the condemnation of Soviet power as a whole. On the regional level, the study reveals the divisive memory of the Soviet past. The analysis of the activities of the Memorial Society, of monuments to the prisoners executed in Lviv by retreating Soviets in June of 1941, of the Museum-Prison on Lontsky street and other museums and monuments shows that in Lviv, as in the Baltic States, the Soviet power is viewed as an alien regime, imposed on freedom-loving Ukrainians by Soviet Russia tyranny. On the opposite side of Lviv is Donetsk. The analysis of the memorial landscape of the city shows that the Donbas memory of the 1930s, as in Soviet times and in Russia, is based on an official forgetting of the repressions. The general assessment of the Soviet past is positive is incorporated into the collective identity of Donetsk as its integral part. After the Euromaidan events of late 2013-early 2014 the opposite memories of the Soviet past became even more apparent. Soviet past in Ukraine is a complex historical period. Examples of post-second world war Western Europe shows that a society, which wants to rebuild itself after a traumatic, divisive past, has to work through this past critically and honestly through an extremely difficult, but necessary open public debate. Only free exchange of opinions, where diversity of perspectives and interpretations of the Soviet experience would be heard, will allow Ukrainian society to grasp the complexity of the Soviet past and to build an inclusive, pluralist democracy.

This paper aims to describe and explain the Russian use of cyberattacks in the Ukrainian conflict. Two major cyber events, BlackEnergy in 2015 and NotPetya in 2017, are analysed by the theoretical framework of coercive diplomacy developed by Daniel Byman and Matthew Waxman, as well as the theory of cyber coercion made by Daniel R. Flemming and Neil C. Rowe. This paper concludes that the Russian use of cyberattacks could be understood as an extension of their already widespread practice of coercive diplomacy as a foreign policy tool. The cyberattacks were developed to pressure the Ukrainian energy and economic sector, through destabilisation of the economic powerbase and the country as a whole. The cyber offenses are developed to push the Ukrainian politics from western influence back towards the Russian political orbit. This due to the political, economic, and power interests Russia finds in the post-soviet state of Ukraine.

iv Abstract In this thesis, we investigate the relative importance of foreign shocks in the Ukrainian economy by estimating a small-scale SVAR model with block exogeneity restriction over the period 2003:2 - 2016:12. We find that external shocks from the EU and Russia account for a significant share of the macroeconomic variation in Ukraine. In particular, external shocks account for up to 97 % of variance in Ukraine's output and 85 % in inflation. Remarkably, foreign monetary policy shocks (both from the EU and Russia) account only for a tiny share of variance in all Ukrainian macro variables. Finally, we show that the inclusion of Russia in the 'foreign' block is important to achieve correct model specification. Without accounting for the effects of the Russian economy, Ukrainian variables over-react to shocks originating from the EU. We conclude that the National Bank of Ukraine should closely track external developments to achieve inflation targets. JEL Classification E52, F41, F42 Keywords vector autoregression, foreign shocks, monetary policy, Ukraine Author's e-mail alonafedorova0@gmail.com Supervisor's e-mail jaromir.baxa@fsv.cuni.cz

This paper analyse how two agreements can be understood to facilitate the normative power (NP) of the EU by illuminating how they can enable four different NP mechanisms and thus influence and shape Ukraine’s notions and norms concerning energy security (ES). The study it draws on information from two agreements, i.e. Memorandum of Understanding on a Strategic Energy Partnership of 2016 (MoU) and the treaty establishing the Energy Community (TEC). If we understand NP as the ability to define what passes for normal and that NP suggests that the EU exerts influence by shaping the values and behaviour of other actors by redefining international norms in their own image. Then these two agreements are interesting as they constitute a nexus between the EU and Ukraine which could potentially enable that power as they can proliferate norms and notions of the EU concerning ES. Considering how the TEC has the goal to extend their principle and rule of the EU and how the MoU is created with the EU´s energy union as reference point the agreements might enable that influence This paper combines critical discourse analysis (CDA) with an ideal type analysis where the four NP mechanism constitute the analytical tool. The study reveals how the agreements can enable the EU´s NP by facilitating the NP mechanism, as they manage to proliferate the norms and notion of the EU. However, the aptitude of the different NP mechanism differ between the two agreements. Additionally, the study also reveals how the application of this ideal type is more suitable for examining organisation rather than agreements alone, as the full spectrum of the NP mechanisms potential cannot be illuminated. Although, the study reveal how agreements could be understood as potential tools, even if they don’t enable all NP mechanism equally.