The Russian implementation of the "energy weapon" plays an important role in understanding the complex Eurasian political dynamism that exists and influences relationships. Endowed with a greater amount of gas supplies, Russia has utilized its natural monopoly in an endeavor to maneuver its political objectives within the international scene. Its drive to espouse the "energy weapon" envelopes itself within Russia’s turbulent past and desire to regain political prominence experienced throughout much of the twentieth century. Thus, studying Russian motivations in employing gas resources allows political scientists, statespersons and other government intellectuals to better understand the economic backdrop affecting Eurasian affairs and potentially formulate strategic policy that would garner net positive outcomes with little to no negative externalities. Studying such information would prove to enhance relations, positively or negatively, for Ukrainian, Russian, and European authorities when conducting domestic and foreign policy.

Twenty years after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Russian Federation has struggled to construct a new foreign policy paradigm in a world that is no longer bipolar. Instead of the Cold War era arms stockpiles, Moscow has signed multiple Strategic Arms Reduction Treaties (START), and instead of physically taking over neighboring territories, increasing diplomacy and economic incentives have become Moscow’s primary tool to garner and maintain influence in its near abroad. Soft power initiatives, that can all roughly fit into a foreign aid model, from the Russian Federation to the near abroad come in different forms: oil subsidies, aid in kind, and direct financial investment. The Russian Federation has used all three of these strategies in Ukraine after the fall of the Soviet Union in an attempt to keep the country in its sphere of influence. The use of foreign aid, be it oil subsides, aid in kind, or direct financial aid, all work towards the same goal of promoting Russian policies and interests in the near abroad. Ukraine, with its unique political, cultural and geographical importance, demonstrates the new struggle between Russia and the West. The struggle’s main actors are the Russian Federation against the eastern half of NATO and the EU, and the conclusion is unclear. Foreign aid and soft power are now playing a critical role in the outcome.

Le présent travail s'intéresse aux processus de redéfinition identitaire et de reconfiguration des rapports interétatiques se manifestant au sein du groupe d'États-nations slavo-oriental depuis le démantèlement de l'URSS. Fondamentalement, son objectif est double. Il s'agit d'abord de vérifier l'hypothèse d'un groupe d'États-nations slavo-oriental distinct, ayant des propriétés particulières dont les effets s'observent sur les processus de redéfinition identitaire et de reconfiguration des rapports interétatiques entre la Russie, l'Ukraine et le Belarus. Il s'agit ensuite de trouver la clef interprétative permettant de comprendre la dynamique ou la logique interne des interactions qui s'observent au sein d'un tel groupe, à la fois frontalier de l'Europe et de l'Asie. Bien qu'il s'agisse, en réalité, d'une sorte d'anthropologie de la diplomatie postsoviétique, ce travail s'inscrit entièrement dans le champ disciplinaire des Relations internationales. Les discours des hommes politiques influents, les documents juridiques qu'ils ont fait adopter ainsi que les commentaires et les réactions qu'ils ont suscités auprès des experts et des masses forment le terrain empirique à l'étude. Reformulée dans le langage théorique de l'approche constructiviste cette thèse aspire, dans un premier temps, à mettre en relief la macrostructure (à la fois matérielle et idéelle) constitutive d'un sous-système commun aux trois (et seulement aux trois) États-nations successeurs de l'URSS à majorité slavo-orientale et orthodoxe. À cet égard, la présente étude vient confirmer que l'histoire militaire, économique, juridique, religieuse et linguistique génère une structure intersubjective commune et particulière aux Slaves de l'Est. Celle-ci se manifeste par cette croyance, constamment débattue, d'appartenir à une seule et même famille, dont le fondement est à la fois ethnolinguistique et historique. Son existence génère une tension dialectique permanente et unique entre, d'une part, le sentiment de fraternité ethnolinguistique et religieuse et, d'autre part, les rivalités liées au partage de l'héritage d'un passé commun, lequel s'étend de la Rous à l'URSS. En second lieu, ce travail propose d'identifier les microstructures (matérielles et idéelles) explicatives des particularités de chacune des unités étatiques-nationales du sous-système. Ce travail démontre, par le biais d'une analyse des facteurs militaire, économique, juridique, religieux et linguistique susceptibles d'affecter la politique étrangère de chacun des États-nations à l'étude, que les comparaisons jouent un rôle constitutif des personnalités postsoviétiques de la Russie, de l'Ukraine et du Belarus. Cette thèse fait ainsi valoir que les dirigeants tentent de définir leur État-nation d'une façon qui soit tant gratifiante que viable, mais que ce processus n'est pas linéaire et prévisible. Le développement de la personnalité simultanément étatique et nationale constitue plutôt un mécanisme d'apprentissage par essais-erreurs dans lequel chacun, à sa manière, se compare aux autres unités du sous-système. Puisqu'elle oscille entre l'optimisme d'une confédération pacifique et le pessimisme d'une prédation vorace entre ses unités, il appert que la macrostructure sous-systémique à l'étude ne saurait être classée dans l'un des idéaux-types « hobbesien », « lockéen » ou « kantien », tels que décrits par Alexander Wendt. Afin d'expliquer et de mieux comprendre ces passages rapides entre les épisodes de collaboration et les épisodes de confrontation, la présente thèse explore un autre idéal-type de structure intersubjective dont la forme, particulièrement instable, serait de type « familiale ». En dernière analyse, afin d'évaluer la valeur heuristique du prisme interprétatif que serait la métaphore de la famille, ce travail examine les séquences d'interaction triangulaire entre les États-nations slavo-orientaux au cours des années 1990-2010. Sans prétendre pouvoir surmonter la difficulté consistant à identifier des critères stricts et précis de falsifiabilité (caractéristique de tout modèle théorique parcimonieux), cette thèse fait valoir les mérites d'un cadre analytique comparatif et longitudinal fondé sur la métaphore de la famille et permettant à la fois d'expliquer et de comprendre les rapports politiques postsoviétiques chez les Slaves de l'Est. Par cette analyse sous-systémique, l'étude permet d'approfondir le débat sur les mérites et les limites de l'approche constructiviste en Relations internationales. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : relations internationales, constructivisme, analyse comparative, Russie, Ukraine, Belarus

Wheat trade accounts for one third of world grain trade and is expected to double by 2050.The KRU (Kazakhstan, Russia and Ukraine) countries account for approximately a quarter of the world wheat exports and are collectively considered one of the key wheat exporting regions. Ukraine became a member of the WTO only in 2008. Russia became an official member of the WTO in 2012. Kazakhstan is expected to follow Russia and reach an accession deal with WTO members shortly. As a result of WTO accession, all three countries will be entitled to “most favoured nation” (MNF tariffs), and hence, gain improved access to a number of important markets that have been largely inaccessible due to very high tariffs that could be charged on imports from non-member countries. World wheat trade liberalization, reflecting the move to the MFN tariff as a result of accession, was simulated using the global simulation model (GSIM). The KRU region’s increased market accessibility as a result of successful accession to the WTO has the potential to foster important re-alignments in world wheat trade flows, prices and changes in welfare among major wheat trading countries. Simulation results suggest that increased access to markets leads to more trade between KRU countries and previously restricted markets. KRU countries trade more with now freer markets such as Turkey, the EU and China. Major traditional wheat exporters such as Australia, Canada, the EU, and the US do not seem to be negatively impacted to any important degree. Their relative market access conditions, however, erode in Turkish, Middle Eastern, and African markets with their trade flows being diverted and broadly distributed among other countries and regions at reduced prices. Trade liberalization is not uniform across regions and therefore leads to different net welfare changes across countries. However, those welfare changes appear to be modest.

<p>The purpose of the study was to examine teachers perceptions of the impact of societal changes on teacher collaboration in schools within the period of independence of Ukraine (1991 2005). This study provided a description of teacher experiences in a context of large-scale philosophical, ideological, social, political, and economic changes of the post-Soviet era, and the teachers interpretation of the impact of related changes upon teacher collaboration in Ukrainian schools. Research questions were divided into two subgroups: first, questions inquiring into teachers perceptions of the nature of post-Soviet societal changes; and second, questions regarding the nature, external and internal impacts on teacher collaboration. Utilizing constructive postmodernism framework, this research examined teacher collaboration through micropolitical and cultural perspectives.</p> <p>This study adopted a naturalistic orientation, within which an interpretive constructivist approach to methodology prompted the use of qualitative methods of inquiry. The data collection techniques of document analysis, focus group interviews and individual interviews were utilized. Document analysis involved review of national and local acts, decrees, policies, and procedures that pertained to teacher collaboration issued during the period of 1991-2005. The participants in this study were elementary or secondary school teachers in the city of Chernivtsi, Ukraine who had been in the teaching profession within the education system of Ukraine during the period of time from 1991 to 2005. In total, fifty-five teachers from eight schools participated in eight focus group interviews and fifteen individual interviews. Documentary data and participants responses were analyzed according to the research questions and recurring themes with the help of ATLAS.ti qualitative data analysis software.</P> <p>The findings revealed the ongoing struggle between the forces of modernity and postmodernity in post-Soviet Ukrainian society. Gains of deideologization and freedoms of conscience, speech, and religion were counteracted by economic decline, political instability, and social insecurity. Societal transformations were seen as having direct impact on the system of education, resulting in a difficult transition period from the old Soviet to the new Ukrainian system of education.</p> <p>It was found that collaboration among teachers in schools was susceptible to transformations at the macro (societal), as well as micro (school) levels. Macro transformations affected the nature of teacher collaboration in a direct way through changing societal realities, while content and format were usually influenced indirectly through the impact on school structures, reforms and policies, school culture, and micropolitical interactions among professionals.</p> <p>Findings affirmed that in the times of uncertainty and radical changes, personal aspects of collaboration tend to gain more significance than the professional ones. Material welfare, spirituality and morale, social security, societal attitudes, social relationships, and shift in the systems of values and beliefs were found exerting significant impact on teacher collaboration. It was pointed out that discourse on collaboration required a balanced representation of individualistic and collectivistic perspectives. It was concluded that the development of collaborative cultures in Ukrainian schools needed to be a two-fold process, involving both instrumental shaping on the part of teachers and administrators and the presence of societal conditions conducive to collaborative relationships. A number of implications from the findings were derived for theory, practice, policy, further research, and methodology. </P>

Broadly discussed in the literature the concept of project success still remains ambiguously defined. The well known success criteria like time, cost and quality does not provide any practical nformation of achieving of project objectives in an efficient way. Identification of main drivers of project success gain particular importance for companies in the light of highly competitive environment. Housing construction projects represent one of the largest sector in construction industry and Ukrainian housing construction industry is considered to have one of the highest rate of return in EU. However the amount of research related to Ukrainian market is limited to few general economy overviews published by such organizations like World Bank and big consulting firms. The main aim of this research is identification of the most influential success factors from the 26 factors identified in existing project management literature. The analysis was performed in a highly profitable housing construction industry with a focus on Ukrainian market peculiarities. A questionnaire survey was sent to 110 experienced housing construction project managers and 26 responses there received. Based on the findings of the questionnaire success factors were ranked according to their impact on project success. In addition success factors interrelationship was studied in order to study the importance of each factor in depth. The findings of the research contributed both to project management field of study and Ukrainian construction market research. A primary and support areas of success factors were identified which might serve as a practical guide for managing housing construction projects in Ukraine. The most important success factors were defined: economic environment, project manager’s experience and qualification of project team. Project managers in housing construction industry in Ukraine would probably consider being more aware of the dominance of environment and human recourses related success factors. Additionally, success factors interrelation matrix might be used as a success diffusion map. Further research might be also essential in this area like studying different types of project and expanding the focus of current study or analysing the importance of success factors on different stages of the project life cycle.

This thesis attempts to analyze the European Neighbourhood Policy from a Neo-Gramscian perspective, mapping transnational power relations in Europe and identifying the historical-specific articulations between economic, political and (civil) societal processes in the specific case of Ukraine. Thus the thesis attempts to show how the EU&rsquo / s hegemonic project is formed and applied, it also explores whether there are redefinitions of the EU hegemonic project and ask whether it is sustainable or not. It is contended that the European Commission&rsquo / s neo-liberal strategy is designed to transform the region into a space in which the free flow of capital, goods and services is secured, but the free movement of people is heavily restricted, and no commitment is made towards full membership for its partners. In fact, this study explores whether or not the ENP as a hegemonic project is likely to establish an historic bloc / whether the ENP is sustainable or not with the consent of its partners. This study focuses on social power relations and their organisation and articulation within the structures of the state/civil-societal complex at the national and transnational levels in order to analyse the degree and manner of both coercion and consent given to the EU&rsquo / s hegemonic project, which in turn will allow for an assessment of the project&rsquo / s likelihood of success. The EU&rsquo / s general strategy towards its neighbours is shown to be a hegemonic project spearheaded by an intellectual and moral leadership directed by conflicting political and cultural agents and organisations.

The aim of this thesis is to analyze Ukrainian foreign policy and its domestic sources since 1991, with a focus on the post-Orange Revolution era. The thesis argues that contrary to neo-realist approaches to the study of Ukrainian foreign policy, in the final analysis, it is Ukraine&#039 / s domestic factors which determines the direction of Ukrainian foreign policy in the post-Soviet era. This thesis demonstrates that the existing neo-realist studies of Ukrainian foreign policy exaggerates the role of external factors and neglects the crucial role of domestic factors in Ukrainian foreign policy. The thesis begins with an introduction, which is followed by the second chapter on the interaction between domestic and external factors in Ukrainian foreign policy in the pre-Orange Revolution era. The third chapter examines the characteristics of Ukrainian foreign policy in the post-Orange Revolution era. The following four chapters discuss the impact of political, economic and cultural factors on Ukrainian foreign policy as well as the Crimean question. Finally the last chapter will be the conclusion of this thesis.

En menant l'enquête au plus près des acteurs, cette thèse étudie toutes les formes de communes autour de la première capitale de l'Ukraine soviétique.<br />En 1919, les communes sont des formes de mobilisation politique et sociale des plébéiens ruraux en interaction avec l'État soviétique. Cette « Kommuniâ » provoque une cruelle réaction pogromiste dans les campagnes.<br />Sous la NEP, des communes urbaines apparaissent sous la direction d'étudiants, d'artistes, de pédagogues... Ce « Nouveau Mode de vie » est aussi un laboratoire du contrôle social pour le pouvoir et les élites. Les communes paysannes n'occupent par contre qu'une place marginale socialement et idéologiquement.<br />Cela prépare la subversion de l'utopie par le pouvoir après 1929. « Collectivisation complète » et famine ont raison des communes rurales. L'opposition des communards ruraux et urbains est réelle mais peu audible. Grâce à la rhétorique révolutionnaire de la guerre civile, le pouvoir empêche toute expression des classes pauvres.

Thesis (D. Min.)--Mid-America Baptist Theological Seminary, 2001. / Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 126-132).