A reestruturação nas telecomunicações brasileiras iniciada em meados dos anos 1990 com a quebra do monopólio estatal e a privatização do sistema Telebrás, em 1998, trouxe significativas mudanças para os sindicatos do setor. De um lado, o eixo homogêneo de negociações sindicato/empresa do período estatal fragmentou-se, tornando as negociações geograficamente dispersas. De outro, a nova forma assumida no setor influencia as experiências vivenciadas no trabalho e o perfil dos trabalhadores e novos dirigentes sindicais: agora eles são mais jovens, com escolarização maior e de tipo diverso, e pior remunerados. Disto resulta em diferenças entre distintas gerações de sindicalistas quanto às interpretações do presente e do passado, bem como quanto às percepções sobre a legitimidade das práticas sindicais. Tais diferenças, quando somadas às imposições da reorganização das relações de trabalho no setor, resultam na mudança do padrão de negociação do sindicato, bem como na sua reorganização interna. O presente estudo analisa o impacto da privatização da TELESP nas atividades sindicais do SINTETEL de São Paulo, tendo em vista a conjunção de gerações de sindicalistas e sua influência na estratégia da instituição. Para a análise utilizaram-se entrevistas com dirigentes e ex-dirigentes, acordos coletivos, material impresso pelo sindicato, estatutos e dados da RAIS/GAGED. / The restructuring of the Brazilian telecommunications sector that began in the mid-1990s with the dissolution of the state monopoly and the privatization of the Telebrás system in 1998, brought significant changes to the labor unions operating in this sector. Firstly, the clearly defined axis of union/corporate negotiations during the period of state ownership was fragmented, dispersing the negotiations geographically. Secondly, the changes in the sector have influenced the work experiences as well as the demographic composition of the workers and new union activists: today they are younger, with higher levels of education in diverse areas, and receive lower salaries. This results in differences between the distinct generations of union members in terms of their interpretations of the past and the present, as well as in their perceptions of the legitimacy of union practices. Such differences, when combined with the impositions of the reorganization of the labor relations in the sector, result in a change in the negotiating patterns of the union, as well as in its own internal reorganization. The present study analyzes the impact of the privatization of TELESP in the union activities of Sintetel in São Paulo, in light of the conjuncture of generations of union leaders and the influence of this conjuncture on negotiating strategies of the union. The analysis is based on interviews with both present and former union activists, collective agreements, printed materials from the unions, union bylaws, and data from the RAIS/CAGED databases.

A reestruturação nas telecomunicações brasileiras iniciada em meados dos anos 1990 com a quebra do monopólio estatal e a privatização do sistema Telebrás, em 1998, trouxe significativas mudanças para os sindicatos do setor. De um lado, o eixo homogêneo de negociações sindicato/empresa do período estatal fragmentou-se, tornando as negociações geograficamente dispersas. De outro, a nova forma assumida no setor influencia as experiências vivenciadas no trabalho e o perfil dos trabalhadores e novos dirigentes sindicais: agora eles são mais jovens, com escolarização maior e de tipo diverso, e pior remunerados. Disto resulta em diferenças entre distintas gerações de sindicalistas quanto às interpretações do presente e do passado, bem como quanto às percepções sobre a legitimidade das práticas sindicais. Tais diferenças, quando somadas às imposições da reorganização das relações de trabalho no setor, resultam na mudança do padrão de negociação do sindicato, bem como na sua reorganização interna. O presente estudo analisa o impacto da privatização da TELESP nas atividades sindicais do SINTETEL de São Paulo, tendo em vista a conjunção de gerações de sindicalistas e sua influência na estratégia da instituição. Para a análise utilizaram-se entrevistas com dirigentes e ex-dirigentes, acordos coletivos, material impresso pelo sindicato, estatutos e dados da RAIS/GAGED. / The restructuring of the Brazilian telecommunications sector that began in the mid-1990s with the dissolution of the state monopoly and the privatization of the Telebrás system in 1998, brought significant changes to the labor unions operating in this sector. Firstly, the clearly defined axis of union/corporate negotiations during the period of state ownership was fragmented, dispersing the negotiations geographically. Secondly, the changes in the sector have influenced the work experiences as well as the demographic composition of the workers and new union activists: today they are younger, with higher levels of education in diverse areas, and receive lower salaries. This results in differences between the distinct generations of union members in terms of their interpretations of the past and the present, as well as in their perceptions of the legitimacy of union practices. Such differences, when combined with the impositions of the reorganization of the labor relations in the sector, result in a change in the negotiating patterns of the union, as well as in its own internal reorganization. The present study analyzes the impact of the privatization of TELESP in the union activities of Sintetel in São Paulo, in light of the conjuncture of generations of union leaders and the influence of this conjuncture on negotiating strategies of the union. The analysis is based on interviews with both present and former union activists, collective agreements, printed materials from the unions, union bylaws, and data from the RAIS/CAGED databases.

This thesis provides an analysis of the role and effectiveness of unions in selecting their strategy to meet the needs of their members in developing countries – in this case Indonesia after the late Soeharto regime stepped down in 1998. In particular, the focus of the research is to understand how the selection of particular union strategies might influence union effectiveness in the context of developing economies. The research involves a major empirical study of unions based on a comprehensive analytical framework. The study finds its relevance in providing both theoretical and practical strategies for unions operating in a constraining political environment and in an era where the power of unions in general has been sharply diminishing. Based on various theoretical models of union strategy, the thesis develops a measure that explores union strategy from the initial stage of strategy creation - namely the establishment of union aims - through the process of strategy-development, resulting in the forms of union methods and tactics that are used in day-to-day union operations. The thesis also develops a model of organisational effectiveness that enables a comprehensive picture of union effectiveness. The model was operationalised by the use of a survey questionnaire. The fieldwork was conducted between the period of January to June 2005 in enterprise unions in the services sector. Responses from 100 unions were analysed using multiple regression techniques. The results yielded five independent variables that contributed significantly to the prediction of union effectiveness. Those variables included partnership between unions and management, the use of innovation and training for empowering union members, setting up specific departments for dealing with industrial and organisational issues, and attempts to gain external support for strengthening unions’ negotiations with management. Altogether, these factors explained 65% of the variability in union effectiveness. Some important findings emerged from subsequent case studies that involved seven eligible unions. The most effective unions placed a strong emphasis on political goals by participating in the process of policy formulation both at the workplace and beyond the enterprise boundary. They employed both arbitration practices and relationships with political institutions to support their collective bargaining. A combination of tactical approaches including industrial action, provision of member services and use of information and communications technologies were used together with contemporary campaign themes such as workplace improvement and productivity. The most effective unions faced environments that discouraged workers from participating, including the existence of competitive wages, employee involvement plans, and covert anti-union strategies from companies. The results suggest that “consultancy” unionism is the dominant approach adopted by Indonesian unions in the services sector. This approach involves servicing members and developing only limited engagement with employers. Turning “consultancy” unionism into “partnership” unionism appears to be the most promising, approach to increased union effectiveness in the Indonesian context. To implement such a strategy, Indonesian unions have to strengthen their commitment to providing resources for organising, to boost participation among their members, and subsequently to construct a partnership based on “the collective power of workers”. The research has implications for unions, employers, and the state. For unions, the advantage of committing to establish a culture of organising builds a foundation for delivering a multi-tactical approach. However, in light of the limited strength of union power, that objective may best be achieved through partnership with employers. The findings concerning partnership strategies provide strong support for the government’s efforts at establishing industrial peace. Future comparative research to replicate this work in manufacturing industry or other countries in which enterprise unionism is the dominant union structure is to be encouraged

The employer, the state, long had the right to unilaterally set wages and determine working conditions. The goverment employees lacked the right to negotiate and sign agreements and to strike. This dissertation focuses on government employees, analyzing their identity and the strategies they chose to deal with their relationship to their employer. The perspective is that of the railway stations staff, postmen and other low-ranking civil servants employed by the Swedish National Railway and the Royal Post Office 1897-1937. The state became bureaucratized during the latter part of the 19th century. Bureaucratization of the goverment´s status as employer was necessary, but at the same time not sufficient to meet the demands of securing operations and of loyal personnel. Therefore bureaucratization was combined with other strategies, especially patriarchalism at the beginning of the 20th century. Through the growth of a discourse concerning "we in the department" strong bonds were created between superiors and subordinates in the department. Later the bureacracy was combined with corporative elements in the employer strategy of the state. For the Railway Workers´Union and the Postal Workers´Union a political strategy became the main and natural choice, considering the employer´s position of superiority. The political role of the employer was a foundation for the state employees´choise of strategy. This political strategy was one of servility and respect at the beginning of the 20th century, but later on borrowed elements of and actual content from trade union and professional strategies. The ideal for a state employee became that of a man with regular post who wore a uniform. There was a close connection between the collective identity of lower civil servants and the identity they were ascribed by their employer. Because of the strenght of the masculine identity this bore the characteristics of brotherhood.

Ce mémoire illustre l'évolution de la stratégie du syndicat des TCA-Québec, unité locale 728 représentant les employés de l'usine Kenworth de Sainte-Thérèse, de la fermeture de l'usine en 1996 jusqu'à sa réouverture en 1999. La littérature démontre que la mondialisation des marchés économiques oblige les syndicats à revoir leur stratégie lors de négociations collectives. Parfois, leur survie en dépend. Les résultats de notre étude de cas permettent de déterminer cinq événements clés où le syndicat local revoit sa stratégie pendant ce conflit de travail médiatisé : la négociation collective, l'échec de la négociation menant à une grève générale, la fermeture de l'usine, l'annonce de la réouverture de l'usine ainsi que sa réouverture. L'ensemble des résultats présentés en corrélation avec le modèle d’analyse de David Weil (1994) présente la planification stratégique de ces cinq événements à partir d’un processus intégré qui peut être décomposé en trois principales étapes : la formulation de la stratégie, sa mise en œuvre et son évaluation. Les faits sont colligés chronologiquement en exposant les transformations de la stratégie du syndicat local par l'identification d'indicateurs conçus à partir des facteurs externes évoqués dans le modèle de Weil (1994), à savoir l'analyse de l'environnement technologique, législatif et social, les priorités dictées par les membres, l'allocation des ressources du syndicat, ainsi que l'analyse de l'évaluation avantage coûts versus bénéfices. / This thesis illustrates the evolution of the strategy used by the TCA-Québec Union, local unit 728 representing the employees of Kenworth in Sainte-Thérèse, from the plant shutdown in 1996 to its reopening in 1999. The literature shows that the economic market globalisation has forced the trade unions to reconsider their strategic approach in the collective bargaining process. In some cases, their survival depends on it. The case study presented in this work identifies five key events when strategic adjustments were made by the trade union during this highly mediatised conflict: the collective bargaining, the failure of these negotiations which led to a general strike, the plant shutdown, the announcement of the plant’s reopening as well as its actual reopening. The results presented in correlation to the David Weil Model (1994) detail the strategic planning of these five key events using an integrated process which is composed of three major steps: formulating, implementing and evaluating the strategy. The facts are assembled chronologically while exposing the modifications to the local union`s strategy using indicators developed with Weil’s model external factors (1994) such as the technological, legal and social environments, the member-led priorities, the distribution of the union’s resources as well as the cost-benefit advantages.

En raison des présentes transformations du marché du travail, le mouvement syndical est à la recherche d’un nouvel équilibre. Dans ce contexte plutôt changeant, réorganisations et flexibilité se négocient en échange d’une protection accrue pour ceux qui demeurent en emploi. Si d’une part, ceci mène à une prolifération de nouvelles formes d’emploi atypiques et de disparités de traitement, d’autre part la constitutionnalisation du droit du travail change le rapport quant à l’universalisme syndical. Nous nous sommes alors interrogée sur les impacts que cela peut avoir sur le devoir syndical de représentation. Prenant cela en considération, nous avons voulu au cours de notre recherche faire la lumière tant sur certains impacts de la négociation de clauses de disparité de traitement dans les milieux de travail syndiqués que sur les défis contemporains du droit du travail et de l’emploi. Cette thèse propre au champ d’études que sont les relations industrielles se distingue des autres recherches dans le même domaine en se concentrant sur l’effet empirique de la mise en œuvre d’une norme, par l’étude de deux cas suggestifs. Plus précisément, notre thèse avait comme principal objectif de répondre à la question suivante : Quels sont les effets sur l’acteur (action) syndical du recours à la norme d’égalité, à la suite la négociation de clauses « orphelin »? Pour y parvenir, nous avons dû reconstituer comment les acteurs syndicaux s’étaient approprié l’espace ouvert par la constitutionnalisation du droit du travail. Nous avons utilisé une méthode qualitative, impliquant une revue de la littérature sociohistorique, théorique et juridique, une analyse de la jurisprudence existant à ce sujet et l’étude de deux cas portant sur la négociation d’une clause « orphelin » le tout représentant soixante entrevues semi-dirigées dans plusieurs casernes et palais de justice. Les connaissances acquises permettent au plan empirique une meilleure compréhension des interactions possibles entre acteurs, institutions et stratégies lors de la mise en œuvre de la norme d’égalité ainsi que des déterminants de l’action (ou de l’inaction) syndicale. Sur le plan pratique, nous espérons que notre thèse puisse guider toute personne ou tout groupe de personnes désirant mettre en œuvre des mesures égalitaires, tant pour éviter certains écueils reliés à ces actions ou réactions suscitées par la mise en œuvre du droit à l’égalité, que pour mesurer l’efficacité des actions entreprises. De surcroît, sur le plan théorique, nous croyons que de mettre à l’épreuve un modèle théorique recoupant stratégies et institutions permettra d’aborder les problèmes à la fois au niveau de l’acteur et au niveau structurel. Les résultats obtenus aident à comprendre en quoi et comment peut se construire l’action syndicale dans certains (2) cas de mise en œuvre de la norme d’égalité. Le choix de différentes stratégies ne peut pas être dissocié des différents contextes économiques, sociaux et juridiques, ni des capacités stratégiques des différents acteurs en cause. Les principales contraintes identifiées ont pu être imputées tant aux structures de l’association syndicale qu’aux différents univers normatifs mobilisés. Les sources de tensions vécues dans les milieux à l’étude ont été rattachées notamment aux perceptions d’injustice et à la méconnaissance des différentes normes juridiques. En conséquence, il faut conclure que pour les associations syndicales (sans se restreindre à celles à l’étude), la question d’iniquité pourrait avoir de graves conséquences et non seulement sur le devoir de représentation. Nous avons spécialement souligné la fragilisation de leurs assises, dans leurs deux pôles d’actions : d’acteur économique (faille dans la capacité d’action traditionnelle) et d’acteur politique (climat hostile au syndicalisme). Nous souhaitons que l’acteur syndical puisse mobiliser, à la lumière des résultats de notre recherche, des arguments concourant à repenser l’action syndicale, que nous croyons être plus pertinente que jamais. Nous croyons également que les différents acteurs du monde du travail pourraient s’approprier certaines de nos recommandations afin de favoriser une citoyenneté au travail plus inclusive. / As a result of the present transformation of the labour markets, trade union movements are in constant search for a new equilibrium. If in this context of instability, reorganizations and flexibility are negotiated in exchange for increased protection for those who remain in employment. If on the one hand, this leads to a proliferation of new atypical forms of employment and disparities of treatment, on the other hand, the entrenchment of human rights law in the field of labour relation changes the relationship with the union majority rule. This has raised an important question about the impact this will have on the union's duty of fair representation. Taking this into consideration, we wanted in the course of our research to shed light both on the impacts of the negotiation of disparity of treatment (two-tier wage plan) clauses have on unionized workplaces and on the contemporary challenges of labour and employment law. While still being specific to our field of research (industrial relations), our work differs from other studies that have been carried out on this matter by focusing on the empirical effects of the implementation of the norm of equality through the analysis of two suggestive cases. More specifically, the main objective of our thesis was to answer the following question: What are the effects of the implementation of the norm of equality in unionized work environments in the province of Québec? In order to achieve this goal, we had to recreate how the trade union actors can fit within the entrenchment of human rights law. We used a qualitative approach, involving a review of historical, theoretical and legal literature, analysis of the existing jurisprudence on this matter and the study of two selected cases involving the negotiation of a "orphan" clause (representing sixty semi-structured interviews in total). It was in our intention to demonstrate that gained knowledge from previous applications provides a better understanding on the empirical level of possible interactions between actors, institutions and strategies during the implementation of a strategy, as well as important determinants concerning the union action (or inaction). On a practical level, we hope that our thesis can guide any individual (or group of individuals) wishing to implement equality measures, both to avoid some of the pitfalls related to these actions or reactions to the implementation of the right to equality, and to measure the effectiveness of undertaken actions. Additionally, on a more theoretical level, we believe that testing a conceptual model overlapping different strategies and institutions will address these problems both at actor and structural level. The results we obtained provide insights into how and to what extent trade union action can be built in the case of equality norm implementation. The selection of different strategies cannot be disembodied from its economic, sociological and legal contexts, nor from the strategic capacities of the different actors involved. The main constraints identified could be attributed both to the structures of the union association and to different normative spaces. The tensions experienced in the studied cases were linked to particular perceptions of injustice and lack of knowledge of different legal standards. Subsequently, we must come to the conclusion that the question of iniquity may have some serious repercussions for trade unions far beyond the duty of fair representation. We specially emphasize the weakening of their foundations, mainly in their two poles of action: as economic players (loophole in the traditional ability of action) and political actors (cultivating a climate that is hostile to unionism). Based on the results of our research, we want union actors to be able to mobilize concurrent arguments to rethink union action altogether, something we believe is more relevant than ever. We also believe that the different actors of today's working world could take ownership of the recommendations set forth in our work to foster a more inclusive citizenship at work.