[pt] O Rio de Janeiro vivencia uma época intensa da sua história urbana, hospedando diferentes megaeventos em um intervalo de tempo limitado, dando origem a uma fase de metamorfoses urbanas e de alta especulação imobiliária. Neste contexto a presente dissertação se propõe a observar a problemática da condição das favelas contíguas aos bairros nobres da cidade e da valorização dos seus solos. O objetivo dessa pesquisa é identificar as dinâmicas políticas, econômicas e sociais existindo hoje em dia no Rio de Janeiro, intrometendo-se no desenvolvimento urbano, e podendo levar a uma gentrificação das favelas no coração da cidade, em particular no caso de estudo do Chapéu Mangueira. O trabalho baseou-se numa revisão bibliográfica sobre o conceito de gentrificação, tanto no contexto internacional quanto brasileiro, em análises do contexto político, econômico e social da cidade e das ações de planejamento urbano, bem como no estudo de caso de uma favela: Chapéu Mangueira, localizada no Leme, na Zona Sul da cidade do Rio de Janeiro. / [en] The city of Rio de Janeiro is experiencing an intense time of its urban history, hosting different mega events in a short period of time, giving rise to a phase of urban metamorphoses and high real estate speculation. In this context, the present work aims to observe the problem of the condition of the favelas adjacent to wealthy neighborhoods of the city and its land valuation. In fact, the Carioca capital, on one hand, still attracts more residents, investors and entrepreneurs and, on the other hand, its most valued central areas are already overcrowded and do not have much options to grow. Urban expansion possibilities exist, but are located in remote areas and have neither infrastructure nor sufficiently attractive centrality to raise interest of certain kind of residents. Because of a limited housing supply and a high demand, rental prices and sales increase steadily. Consequently, the rise in housing value hinders public access opportunities, especially as wage inflation does not track the value of the property. Like many cities in Latin America, the social inequalities in Rio de Janeiro are extremely important and a significant part of the population is classified as low income. At the same time, one of its peculiarities is the presence of favelas in the city center, unlike other cities where the poorest people are located in the urban periphery. The particular feature of the promiscuity of the hills with the noble neighborhoods and trade areas and service of the city makes these favelas strategic areas, with crucial importance in the distribution of urban land. The lack of sanitation and basic infrastructure combined with drug trafficking and violence always left the favelas apart of the formal city. The government did not recognize their existence as part of the city. Today, with urban growth contained and the pressure of international events becoming stronger, the government has shown new interest in the future of this part of the town. Different actions, such as the implementation of the UPPs (Pacifying Police Unit) and works to facilitate access to the favelas, tend to value the land and drawing attention of the real estate market. Materials and studies on the fever of chic favela, new tourist and cultural attraction to these neighborhoods, have also questioned a change of perception of the favela. It has already been observed a rise in rental and sale prices, whether in formal or informal market in the favela.

Submitted by Haroudo Xavier Filho (haroudo.xavierfo@ufpe.br) on 2016-03-17T17:55:24Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) BORGES_Jennifer TESE-MDU.pdf: 7644799 bytes, checksum: 6919c1a9e8ba646eba0a507b996d9134 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-17T17:55:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) BORGES_Jennifer TESE-MDU.pdf: 7644799 bytes, checksum: 6919c1a9e8ba646eba0a507b996d9134 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-04-15 / As terras de domínio público dão lugar à produção do espaço urbano assim como as terras de propriedade privada. O contraste entre cidade formal e informal, tão característico no Brasil, não faz essa distinção, estando refletido também nas terras pertencentes à União. Esta, titular da dominialidade sobre esses bens, importante reserva pública de recursos fundiários, estaria representando o interesse público, do Estado, ou da acumulação capitalista, na gestão do que se denomina de Patrimônio da União? Quem, de fato, se apropria do espaço produzido sobre essas terras nas múltiplas destinações que lhe são conferidas? Para ajudar a elucidar questões como essas, a pesquisa de doutorado que ora se apresenta fundamentou-se num referencial teórico-metodológico de base materialista histórico-dialética, buscando examinar as relações entre Estado e sociedade relativas à produção e apropriação do espaço urbano em terras da União. A trajetória percorrida é inicialmente de retorno às origens do objeto de estudo, investigando sua história, gênese e desenvolvimento, seguido por uma contextualização dentro do arcabouço jurídico-institucional que o regula, para, ao final, analisá-lo refletido em um recorte espacial delimitado na cidade do Recife. Neste, dois casos emblemáticos de conflitos urbanos são destacados para investigação: as lutas pelo direito à moradia no assentamento informal de baixa renda denominado Coque, e as disputas em torno do destino da área correspondente ao Pátio Ferroviário das Cinco Pontas, em relação aos quais despontaram os movimentos Coque (R)Existe e Ocupe Estelita, respectivamente. Sustenta-se a tese de que os processos de produção e apropriação do espaço urbano em terras da União no Brasil refletem os conflitos de classe que permeiam as relações entre Estado e sociedade no modo de produção vigente, contrapondo, na esfera político-institucional, perspectivas ideológicas antagônicas quanto ao tratamento do urbano. Nesse sentido, o conceito de governança urbana é aplicado como ferramenta analítica relevante, por enfocar as articulações de forças e interesses que se estabelecem na política urbana, fazendo convergir esforços e recursos para a consecução de certo ideal de desenvolvimento urbano. Dessa leitura, extraem-se conclusões quanto à forma como as terras da União são geridas em atendimento a interesses de classe divergentes, indicando diferentes perspectivas de “direito à cidade”. De patrimônio estatal, apropriado capitalista ou socialmente, as terras da União precisam ser vistas, de fato, como patrimônio de todos. / The lands of public domain are used for the production of urban space as well as private lands. The contrast between formal and informal cities, so typical in Brazil, does not make such distinction and this reflects in the Union lands. As the holder of this estate – an important public reserve for land resources – would Union be then representing the public interest, the State interest, or the capitalist accumulation interest, in the management of what is called the Union Patrimony? Who in fact appropriates the space produced on these lands in their multiple destinations? In order to help elucidate these questions, the referring doctoral research is based on a theoretical and a methodological framework of historical and dialectical materialism, so as to try to examine the relationship between the State and society concerning the production and the appropriation of space in the Union lands. The pathway taken goes back to the origins of the object of investigation, taking into account its history, genesis and development, followed by the contextualization within the legal and institutional framework that regulates it, to finally analyze it within the delimited scope of the spatial area of the city of Recife. For this reason, two emblematic cases of urban conflicts are highlighted in the present examination: the struggle for the right to housing in low-income informal settlement called ‘Coque’, and the disputes over the destination of the area corresponding to the ‘Cinco Pontas Rail Yard’, from which the ‘Coque (R)Existe’ and ‘Ocupe Estelita’ movements emerged, respectively. It has been argued in the present thesis that the processes of production and appropriation of urban space in the Union lands of Brazil reflect the class conflicts that permeate the relations between State and society in the current mode of production, contrasting, at the political-institutional sphere, to the antagonistic ideological perspectives in relation to the urban treatment. In this sense, the concept of urban governance has been applied as a relevant analytical tool for focusing on the joint forces and interests that are established in the urban politics, bringing the efforts and resources together for achieving an ideal of urban development. From such perspective, conclusions have been reached so as to how the Union lands are managed in compliance with differing class interests, which, in turn, points to different perspectives of "right to the city". Either as a State asset, or a social or capitalist appropriation, the Union lands need to be seen, in fact, as a patrimony of all.

L’objectif de ce travail est de chercher à comprendre comment des dispositifs participatifs génèrent des effets au niveau de la relation entre les représentants des pouvoirs publics et les représentants associatifs mobilisés autour des dispositifs mis en place dans le cadre du « Programme national de rénovation urbaine » en France et de l’« Initiative nationale pour le développement humain en milieu urbain » au Maroc. Cela permet de comprendre les points communs et divergents entre les deux cas étudiés.Cette recherche s’appuie sur le recueil d’environ 70 entretiens semi-directifs. Ceux-ci ont été réalisés avec des acteurs publics et associatifs impliqués dans le « PNRU » en France et dans l’« INDH en milieu urbain » au Maroc.Cette thèse montre que les dispositifs participatifs mis en œuvre dans le cadre du Programme national de rénovation urbaine et de l’INDH en milieu urbain, contribuent à transformer la relation entre les représentants des pouvoirs publics et les représentants associatifs. Ces dispositifs ont donné lieu à l’émergence de « professionnels » de la participation. L’enquête montre par ailleurs que les pouvoirs publics utilisent les ressources associatives pour produire de l’action publique dans les quartiers populaires. Dans ce cadre, les acteurs associatifs accomplissent des actions qui devraient être réalisées par des agents publics. / The objective of the present work is to understand the impact of participative mechanisms at the level of relationship between representatives of public authorities and representatives of the civil society mobilized around the procedures set up within the framework of the « National Urban Renewal Program » (NURP) in France and of the « National Initiative for Human Development » (NIHD) in urban areas in Morocco. This will enable us to elucidate the convergences and divergences between the two cases.The data of this research is based on 70 semi-structured interviews. They were conducted with public actors and members of the civil society involved in the « NURP » in France and the « NIHD in urban areas » in Morocco.In this dissertation I argue that the participative mechanisms implemented within the framework of the NURP and the NIHD in urban areas contribute to the transformation of the relationship between representatives of the public authorities and the association’s representatives. These mechanisms gave rise to the emergence of "professionals" of participation. The survey also argues that authorities use the associative resources to produce public action in working class districts. In this context, the associative actors carry out actions which should have been accomplished by public agents.

Urban development is an ongoing process in Stockholm with renewal projects emerging in the suburbs of the city. Hallonbergen, north west of Stockholm city, is no exception and is also the neighborhood concerned in this essay. The purpose of the thesis is to examine two aspects of urban renewal and to analyze place-making as strategy for current urban renewal. The research strategy applied is a qualitative method and specific strategies utilized is qualitative interview and content analysis, in addition to literature sources such as earlier research in the form of scientific articles and books, official documents deriving from public authorities, news articles and internet sources. The result shows that urban renewal can be seen as a reason for segregation and hence a contributor to urban injustices as it causes a gentrification process leading to inequality for inhabitants, but also as a solution for segregation if a change in focus areas were to adapt, and thus, possibly, counteract the negative consequences of segregation and urban injustices. By way of conclusion, suggested improvement of urban renewal development combines regional development planning, a policy focused to involve a greater emphasis on retention and raised awareness of the risks associated with place-making.

This thesis focuses on how local administrations in mid-sized cities can govern and plan for the sharing economy. To explore this, a case study of Umeå municipality's work on the sharing economy is carried out. Umeå municipality is one of four Swedish cities participating in the national program for the sharing economy in cities, Sharing Cities Sweden (SCS). The sharing economy can be described as an economic model that promotes a change from ownership to access and the production of resources and services in peer-to-peer networks. In response to a growing sharing economy in cities, local administrations have implemented policies and regulations against sharing platforms such as Airbnb and Uber. Cities also encourage sharing initiatives by planning for publicly run tool libraries, bike sharing schemes and local maker spaces (workshops to share tools, knowledge and ideas). Furthermore, there is an ongoing discussion about the implications of a growing sharing economy in cities. Some researchers argue that parts of the sharing economy instead of reducing resource consumption, building trust and creating more just resource access are centralizing power to a few platform monopolies and are using control and surveillance through collection of big data in order to extract profit. To counter this trend, this thesis is interested in how cities can govern and plan for a democratic and just model for the sharing economy. The discussion about the sharing economy in research and the media has mainly focused on big cities and metropolises, thus the focus on mid-sized cities in this thesis. Through interviews of key actors within Umeå's sharing economy and participation at the Cooperative Cities conference in Umeå, the thesis points to a locally based model of sharing economy in Umeå. In the absence of larger platforms within the sharing economy, Umeå can provide “shareable” resources in the city through collaboration with local actors and by organizing public-commons partnership. To sustain a locally based sharing economy, the thesis argues for the municipality to think of the sharing services in Umeå as a sharing ecosystem. It implies that the municipality contributes to a good environment for sharing services by providing a network, knowledge, support and spaces. Two sub-projects within Umeå's participation in Sharing Cities Sweden are analyzed, the library for sport equipment’s, Fritidsbanken and Service hubs which involves "nodes / hubs that concentrate and provide various services to Umeå residents". Fritidsbanken can be understood as a form of social infrastructure that can contribute to rebuild social capital in neighborhoods. Service hubs can be understood as a form of sharing infrastructure that facilitates sustainable lifestyles. Finally, it is stated that the municipality of Umeå, as a mid-size city that has not experienced the negative consequences of the sharing economy, can take a proactive role for a just and democratic sharing economy. / Den här uppsatsen undersöker hur lokala förvaltningar i mellanstora städer kan styra och planera för delningsekonomi. För att utforska detta görs en fallstudie av Umeå kommuns arbete med delningsekonomi inom det nationella programmet för delningsekonomi i städer, Sharing Cities Sweden (SCS). Koncept som delningsekonomi eller kollaborativ konsumtion har vuxit sig starka under 2010-talet. Det handlar om att gå från ägande till tillgång, att minska resursförbrukning genom att utnyttja ”slumrande” kapacitet hos resurser och att producera resurser gemensamt peer-to-peer. I reaktion mot en växande delningsekonomi i städer har lokala förvaltningar infört riktlinjer och policys mot delningstjänster som t.ex. Airbnb och Uber. Lokala förvaltningar uppmuntrar också delningsinitiativ genom att planera för till exempel offentligt drivna lånebibliotek för verktyg, lånecykelsystem och verkstäder för delning av verktyg, kunskap och idéer. Vidare förs det en diskussion om delningsekonomins utveckling i städer. Vissa forskare menar att delar av delningsekonomin istället för att minska resursförbrukning, bygga tillit och skapa en mer rättvis resurstillgång kan bidra till försämrade arbetsvillkor, kontroll och övervakning samt en centralisering av makt. Med bakgrund i denna diskussion är uppsatsen intresserad av att studera hur städer istället kan styra och planera för en rättvis och demokratisk delningsekonomi. Diskussionen som förs om delningsekonomins utveckling i forskning och media fokuserar mestadels på storstäder och metropoler, därav ligger fokuset på mellanstora städer i uppsatsen. Genom intervjuer av centrala aktörer inom Umeås delningsekonomi och deltagande på konferensen Cooperative Cities i Umeå konstaterar uppsatsen att den delningsekonomi som utvecklas i Umeå kan ses som en lokalt förankrad delningsekonomi. I frånvaro av större plattformar inom delningsekonomi tillgängliggör Umeå stadens resurser genom att samarbeta med lokala aktörer och organisera sig i vad som kan beskrivas som ett partnerskap med civilsamhället. För att få en lokalt förankrad delningsekonomi att fungera argumenterar uppsatsen att kommunen kan tänka på helheten av de delningstjänster som finns i Umeå som ett ekosystem för delning. Det innebär att kommunen bidrar till att skapa en miljö där delningstjänster får rätt förutsättningar genom att tillhandahålla nätverk, kunskap, stöd och lokaler. I uppsatsen undersöks två delprojekt inom Umeå kommuns arbete med delningsekonomi, lånebiblioteket för fritidsutrustning, Fritidsbanken och delprojektet Servicehubbar som innebär ”noder/nav som koncentrerar och tillhandahåller olika service till Umeås invånare”. Fritidsbanken kan förstås som en form av social infrastruktur som kan bidra till att bygga socialt kapital i stadsdelar. Servicehubbar kan förstås som en form av delningsinfrastruktur som underlättar för hållbara livsstilar. Avslutningsvis konstateras att Umeå kommun, en mellanstor stad som inte upplevt de negativa konsekvenserna av delningsekonomi likt flera storstäder, kan ta en proaktiv roll för en rättvis och demokratisk delningsekonomi.

Urban Living Labs emerged in the past decade as spatially embedded multi-stakeholder integrating forms of urban experimentation. They pose as key-nodes for transforming urban governance and generating new, innovative responses to pressing wicked planning and sustainability issues for cities in transition. In Sweden various such projects have been initiated in various locales as parts of European projects that connect different locales. The present Degree Project seeks to examine mechanisms through which Urban Living Labs seek the transformation of established structures towards a more sustainable future in the Swedish context. It does so by analyzing five such projects that have been established in different urban areas in Sweden. In this process it also examines the roles of main actors who play a prominent role in the framework of this form of urban experimentation. This is succeeded through employing a mixed-method approach as a response to the above questions. The main findings point towards the need for extensive networking and exchange of practices between different locales within Sweden and highlight the potentials of urban experimentation for the transformation of the role of main actors. The present Degree Project concludes by reflecting on the future of Urban Living Labs and urban experimentation.

The purpose of this study is to critically examine how the problem of “climate change” is constructed in Stockholm’s climate policy and what underlying assumptions that those problematizations are built upon. The study also explores what is silenced in the problem representation and what potential effects (subject positions) it generates. The interrogation of the policy is made using Carol Bacchi’s approach “What’s the problem represented to be?” (WPR) which is a Foucault-influenced poststructural way of conducting discourse analysis. The study shows how 1) climate change is characterized as a unique opportunity for Stockholm to take the lead in sustainable development, 2) climate change is understood to be about pragmatic emission control and changing energy sources and 3) climate change is seen to be “locked” within the current frames that constitutes our society. Further the study reveals how the policy is underpinned by a neoliberal governmentality that aims to reinforce a sustainable growth discourse. Within this discourse, growth is seen as an inevitable and essential goal for sustainability to be achieved, climate change action is voluntary and urban governance foremost aims to inspire through clear objectives and goals. As a result, people are portrayed as rational, innovative and morally determined consumers. The study provides policy makers and researchers with alternative perspectives on problem representations and proposals in urban climate change governance.

No description available.

<p>In Canada, as in the United States, cities seemed to many to be in complete disarray in the 1960s. Growing populations and the resultant increased demands for housing fed rapid suburban sprawl, creating a postwar burst of urban and suburban planning as consultants were hired in city after city to address the challenges of the postwar era. During this period expressway proposals sparked controversy in urban centres across the developed world, including every major city in Canada, namely Vancouver, Edmonton, Winnipeg, Toronto, Montréal and Halifax. Residents objected to postwar autocentric planning designed to encourage and promote the continued growth of city centres. Frustrated by unresponsive politicians and civic officials, citizen activists challenged authorities with an alternate vision for cities that prioritized the safeguarding of the urban environment through the preservation of communities, the prevention of environmental degradation, and the promotion of public transit. As opponents recognized the necessity of moving beyond grassroots activism to established legal and government channels to fight expressways, their protests were buoyed by the rapidly rising costs that plagued the schemes. By the latter half of the 1960s, many politicians and civil servants had joined the objectors. Growing concerns over the many costs of expressways -- financial, social, environmental, and eventually, political -- resulted in the defeat of numerous expressway networks, but most were qualified victories with mixed legacies.</p> <p>Expressway disputes were an instrumental part of a wider struggle to define urban modernity, a struggle that challenged the basis of politicians and civil servants power by questioning their legitimacy as elected leaders and uniquely qualified experts, respectively. The subsequent emergence of urban reform groups that sought to change the direction of city development by challenging the autocratic municipal bureaucracies was the direct legacy of expressway and other development battles. Despite this, autocentric planning continued and demands for greater citizen participation did not result in significant changes to the form and function of municipal governments.</p> / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

yes / The regulation of public space is influenced greatly by debates about crime, disorder and (in)security. This paper challenges certain assumptions that inform a number of competing mentalities regarding the regulation of public spaces drawn from within the fields of criminology and urban studies, notably ‘preventive exclusion’, ‘reassurance policing’ and the ‘right to the city’. It harnesses inter-disciplinary insights from real world examples to re-frame and advance debates about the future regulation of public space, conceptualised in this paper as ‘mediated conviviality’. It argues that social order is not spontaneous but needs to be facilitated. This perspective simultaneously de-centres crime and (in)security as central organising concepts and recognises the importance of safety to the development of a convivial public realm, with implications for practical strategies of urban governance.