The following thesis analyzes why is the democratic rule of law stronger in Uruguay than in Mexico? This work focuses on the state of the democratic rule of law in Mexico and Uruguay. The premise of this thesis is that there is a gap in the literature on causes that have historically made Uruguay the country with the strongest democratic rule of law in Latin America and Mexico one with the weakest democratic rule of law. Historical institutionalism is used to see how the evolution of the sequencing of political regimes as well as the evolution of civil-military relations in the two countries may explain the divergent outcomes. Emphasizing path-dependency, this analysis is conducted using a methodology of process-tracing. This research serves to put forward propositions in the form of a testable hypothesis on the causes that have led Mexico and Uruguay down different paths when it comes to the democratic rule of law. It also serves to fill a gap in the literature as cross-national differences on rule of law in Latin America have not been sufficiently well-explained.

The aim of this research is to analyse whether the educational materials available to teachers of history at secondary level in Uruguay and Argentina, are appropriate for the objective of  teaching the Holocaust through the emotional engagement of students with the content. More specifically, I argue that witness testimonies, when they are included in the materials and used as providers of meaning and insight, in complement to the historian narratives and not merely as decoration, have the potential to produce effective and durable learning through emotional engagement. This assessment is justified by Kieran Egan’s theory of education, which advances a cognitive development model that identifies stages determined by the tools of cognition that are most effective at the time. The stages corresponding to secondary level education highlight the value and effectiveness a humanized approach rooted in conceptual categories that allow the creation of schemas can have. This research will analyse syllabi and textbooks to verify whether these tools of cognition are engaged, through testimony, to provide meaningful learning. The method chosen to conduct this research is content analysis, which is used to test for the absence or presence of specific codes in texts. The results of this research yielded the conclusion that the materials fail to take advantage of witness testimony to provide emotional engagement, which contributes to the silencing of the voices of the victims in the narrative of the Holocaust.

Legalization of Abortion in Argentina: A Path-Dependency Reading of the Influence of the Catholic Church and the Contrast with the Uruguayan Experience Alexa Elleny Quiles Hernández Abstract Argentina's abortion laws only allow women to access a lawful procedure in cases of rape and health or life threat, and this has been driving women who do not wish to continue a pregnancy into criminal considerations and, in many cases, dangerous and unhygienic environments. The aim of this work is to delineate part of the historical path that has forged the strong relations between the Argentinean State and the Catholic Church since the colonial period and the influence this has had on restrictive abortion rights for women today despite the growing number of demands to legalize voluntary termination. To highlight this influence, this study contrasts the Argentinean experience with that of neighboring Uruguay, a country that successfully legalized abortion in 2012 and which drew an effective division between the Church and the State at an early stage, furnishing a more autonomous environment for the government to respond to citizens' needs. For this, this work takes on Paul Pierson's approach to increasing returns and path- dependency theory and researches and analyzes events, dynamics and factors that have paved...

The World Health Organization's Framework Convention on Tobacco Control (FCTC) is the first international public health treaty to address the global spread of tobacco products. Ethnographic research at the fourth meeting of the FCTC's Conference of the Parties in Uruguay highlights the role of the FCTC in recalibrating the relationship between international trade and investment agreements and those of global public health. Specifically, we chart the origins and development of the Punta del Este Declaration, tabled by Uruguay at the conference, to counter a legal request by Philip Morris International, the world's largest tobacco transnational, for arbitration by the International Centre for the Settlement of Investment Disputes over Uruguay's alleged violations of several international trade and investment treaties. We argue that medical anthropologists should give greater consideration to global health governance and diplomacy as a potential counterweight to the 'politics of resignation' associated with corporate capitalism.

abstract: This doctoral dissertation analyzes the rendering of three complex concepts (otherness, alterity, and identity)—and their relationship— in three rewrites of William Shakespeare’s The Tragedy of Hamlet and The Tragedy of Macbeth from America’s Southern Cone (Uruguay, Argentina, and Chile). By embarking in a close reading of Interrogatorio en Elsinore (Carlos Manuel Varela), La señora Macbeth (Griselda Gambaro), and Yorick: la historia de Hámlet (Francisco y Simón Reyes), this dissertation approaches otherness, alterity, and identity in three of its multiple dimensions (ideological, gender, and artistic subjectivity of the translator/adaptator vis-à-vis the writer). While several studies have explored these three concepts separately and mostly from a cultural standpoint, this is the first one to show how they interact between one another through its representation in three rewrites of Shakespeare in Spanish from Uruguay, Argentina, and Chile. The cultures and history of the countries in which these three translations/adaptations are immersed are just a layer of this research. In addition to it—and loyal to the spirit of the texts being analyzed—this study takes advantage of other disciplines (translation studies, psychoanalysis, philosophy, and gender and communication theory, just to name a few) to analyze in depth and systematically what is implied in otherness, alterity, and identity. The interdisciplinary nature of this dissertation leads to valuable conclusions that can be of benefit, not only for the type of societies portrayed by the rewrites being studied, but for others as well. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Spanish 2019

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Since 1925 Mormon missionaries have proselyted in Catholic Argentina. Yet the Argentine mission has grown very slowly and encountered many difficulties. Did the missionaries' North American image affect the missionary work? Did the predominance of the Catholic Church stunt the growth of the new sect? How did the impact of bitter U.S.-Argentine international relations during the Second World War, and the advent of Peron affect the reception of Mormonism in Argentina? These questions concerning the history of the Mormon Church in Argentina since 1940 can best be understood by considering the episodes of Argentine history which bear directly on the history of the Church in that country. Hence, this thesis will offer a broader interpretation of the official history of the Argentine mission than that written by the mission secretaries and historians. Moreover, it will concentrate on the years between 1940 and 1968, which seems the most significant era since it embraces the Church's confrontation with the Second World War, Peron, and increasing membership.

[pt] Nos últimos anos, o fenômeno religioso voltou a ter presença pública no Uruguai, apesar do processo de inspiração jacobina de separação entre religião e Estado que se deu a partir do final do século XIX e teve seu ápice nas primeiras décadas do século XX. A sociedade menos religiosa da América Latina (que apresenta índices similares a alguns países europeus) e que viveu um forte processo de secularização que deslocou a religião majoritariamente para o âmbito da vida privada está mudando. Ou ao menos, está passando por uma revisão daquele que é tido como seu caráter distintivo: a laicidade de seu povo e de suas instituições estatais. Defendendo uma incidência maior na esfera pública e na política institucional, líderes evangélicos ligados a diversas organizações religiosas afirmam ser necessário defender valores que não estão sendo representados pelos atuais legisladores e tampouco pelo Estado nacional. Animada a participar da política parlamentar em reação à chamada agenda de direitos – é dizer, a regulamentação do aborto, do consumo de maconha, e também do casamento entre pessoas do mesmo sexo – parte da liderança evangélica uruguaia realizou uma substancial mudança de paradigma ao decidir influenciar a política a partir de sua compreensão cristã de mundo e ao abandonar a perspectiva laica que restringia ao âmbito privado a atuação religiosa. Como em outras partes, o discurso desses atores religiosos defende o retorno à esfera privada de temas que hoje, inclusive no Uruguai, são compreendidos como direitos e debatidos a partir de uma moralidade laica. Chama atenção o desenrolar desse processo em um país que realizou, de modo precoce e radical, a transferência para o Estado e a universalização de funções antes concernentes às famílias e aos grupos religiosos. Esta tese, fruto de pesquisa empírica realizada no Uruguai entre novembro de 2018 e abril de 2019, apresenta as percepções dessa nova liderança evangélica acerca das relações entre religião, moralidade e Estado e propõe uma reflexão sobre os dilemas que sua prática política suscita naquela que é considerada a democracia mais estável da América Latina. A partir da análise desse caso particular (marcado pela racionalização moderna do espaço da política e da assistência social), esse trabalho procura refletir sobre a demanda contemporânea de alargamento da experiência política moderna e a consequente revisão do conceito de laicidade. Essas mudanças, por centrais para o estabelecimento de um pacto de convivência social, dizem respeito a todas as democracias, especialmente às latino-americanas tão marcadas pelo fenômeno religioso. / [en] In recent years, the religious phenomenon has returned to the public sphere in Uruguay, despite the Jacobin-inspired process of separation between religion and Modern State that took place from the end of the 19th century and had its peak in the first decades of the 20th century. The least religious society in Latin America (which has similar rates to some European countries), and which has undergone a radical process of secularization that has shifted religion mostly to the sphere of private life, is changing. Or at least, it is undergoing a review of what is considered to be its distinctive character: the secularity of its people and its state institutions. Defending a greater religious incidence in the public sphere and in institutional politics, evangelical leaders linked to various religious organizations say that it is necessary to stand up for values that are not being represented by current legislators or by the national State. Animated to participate in parliamentary policy in reaction to the so-called rights agenda - that is, the regulation of abortion, marijuana use, as well as same-sex marriage - part of the Uruguayan evangelical leadership made a substantial paradigm shift in deciding to influence politics from its Christian worldview and by abandoning the secular perspective that restricted religious activity to the private sphere. As in other parts, the discourse of these religious actors defends the return to privacy of themes that today, including in Uruguay, are understood as rights and debated based on secular morality. It is noteworthy that the development of this process occurred in a country that carried out, early and radically, the transference to the State and the universalization of functions previously concerning families and religious groups. This thesis, the result of empirical research carried out in Uruguay between November 2018 and April 2019, presents the perceptions of this new evangelical leadership regarding the relations between religion, morality, and the State and proposes a reflection on the dilemmas that its political practice raises in that which is considered the most stable democracy in Latin America. Based on the analysis of this particular case (marked by the modern rationalization of the space of politics and social assistance), this work seeks to reflect on the contemporary demand for extending the modern political experience and the consequent revision of the concept of secularity. These changes, which are central to the establishment of a social coexistence pact, concern all democracies, especially Latin American ones marked by the religious phenomenon.

Green hydrogen is experiencing a worldwide hype due to its role in decarbonizing our future economy, especially in heavy industry sectors. Germany is capitalizing on this momentum by positioning itself as one of the global leaders of the hydrogen transition, forming numerous energy partnerships with countries around the world. These partnerships are intended to foster green hydrogen production in countries with high renewable energy potential. At the same time, they secure import stability for Germany, which lacks the capacity for domestic green hydrogen production necessary for industrial decarbonization. One of these partner countries is Uruguay, which has decarbonized its energy sector and is advertising its promising potential for green hydrogen production. The partnership between the two countries thus appears to be beneficial and conducive to a just transition. However, amidst the praise for green hydrogen, there are also critical voices questioning whether it truly facilitates a just transition or perpetuates a new form of green colonialism. Through a mixed method approach, this thesis aims to evaluate the green hydrogen strategies of both countries and whether they are perceived as just transitions. Thereby, the concept of hydrogen justice by Müller et al. (2022) serves as the theoretical framework. In order to address the research questions, a document analysis was conducted in order to analyze the countries' official hydrogen strategies. In addition, a questionnaire and semi-structured expert interviews were carried out to assess the perception of green hydrogen strategies in both countries. As a result, it was found that the strategies build a foundation on which a just hydrogen transition can be achieved. Nevertheless, there are many uncertainties and shortcomings and a lack of binding mechanisms. In addition, the experts paint an overall positive picture of a just hydrogen transition and emphasize the countries’ ambitions to facilitate participative and just structures. Yet, there are also opposing views among the experts, who criticize the governments of neglecting negative socio-ecological outcomes, especially on local populations. In the end, the future trajectory of green hydrogen is uncertain. However, this study highlights the importance of setting up sustainability standards and participatory processes, that engage all stakeholders in the decision-making process to enable a just transition to a green hydrogen economy.

El crecimiento y desarrollo de una economía depende en gran medida de su sistema financiero y estabilidad crediticia. En las últimas décadas, el crédito bancario se consolidó como una herramienta fundamental para la inversión privada, además de ser fuente de financiamiento de proyectos públicos y del gasto familiar. Sin embargo, la relación entre el crédito y el crecimiento del PBI es aún ambigua, es por ello que en este trabajo se busca estudiar esta relación. La hipótesis central propone que el impulso crediticio, el cual se define como la primera diferencia de la tasa de crecimiento anual del crédito en función al PBI, tiene impacto positivo en la tasa de crecimiento del PBI y esta puede ser usada por la política monetaria como variable predictiva para países emergentes como Perú, Chile y Uruguay durante el periodo 1998-2018. Para la investigación se siguen los trabajos de Biggs, Mayer y Pick del 2009, y el de Lahura y Vega del 2011. Se toma la justificación teórica del primero, mientras que la metodología del segundo, esta última consiste en un modelo VECM individual para cada país de estudio. En los hechos estilizados se observa una dinámica semejante entre las variables de crédito y la tasa de crecimiento del PBI, y las tablas de correlación nos muestran una relación bastante importante entre ellas. Finalmente se concluye que en función a los hechos estilizados parece haber una fuerte relación entre la tasa de crecimiento del PBI y el impulso crediticio, por lo que en adelante tendrá que aplicarse métodos econométricos para definir la verdadera conexión.