The diploma thesis follows work and new literary approach of the authoress Teresa de la Parra. It deals with the political and cultural situation in her environment, it tries to delimit her position in between women of Hispano-American literary scene, as are e.g. Alfonsina Storni, Gabriela Mistral or Victoria Ocampo, and at the same time it tries to manifest the "divergence" of her literary output. It deals with the problematic of woman's position on both thematic and sociological grounds, so as to subsequently explain authoress' view of this whole issue and of surrounding society in general. The main aim of this work is the analysis of authoress' both novels (Ifigenia, Memorias de Mamá Blanca) and at the same time as deep as possible portrait of this Venezuelan authoress who is almost unknown nowadays. Key words : Venezuelan literature, Teresa de la Parra, novel, the status of women, society, analysis

The lack of vaccines for emerging and re-emerging diseases highlights technical gaps and indicates a need for innovative approaches to produce new vaccines. Vaccines may be improved by knowledge of host responses to vaccination, disease pathogenesis, and the effect of age and genetics on vaccine outcome. This study's purpose was to quantitatively assess the molecular epidemiology of Francisella tularensis (Ft) and Venezuelan Equine Encephalitis Virus (VEEV). Study results support the Epidemiology Nexus model which holds that association of changes in gene expression to vaccination facilitate understanding the mechanisms of immune development and link public health and disease epidemiology. My research questions assessed the relationship between gene expression following vaccination, the relationship between age and vaccine response, and the association between Human Leukocyte Antigen (HLA) allele and vaccine response. The study was a novel secondary analysis of human data subjected to ANOVA to measure association between treatment and outcome, correlation to measure association of age with vaccine outcome, and Mann-Whitney U tests to measure association of HLA allele with vaccine outcome. Both Ft and VEEV vaccination elicited significant changes in gene expression. A highly positive relationship between age and vaccine outcome was shown for VEEV. The results may affect positive social change by contributing to a growing compendium of evidence of vaccine efficacy mechanisms that may function to assure the public of vaccine safety, combat vaccine hesitancy, and promote vaccine acceptance, as well as contribute mechanistic knowledge to reduce developmental costs of novel vaccines.

The term nationalism in music usually refers to a movement from the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, and is most often employed to describe the various European national schools that included folk elements in their music and consciously tried to separate themselves from the standards set in the Classical period by the French, Italian and especially the German traditionalists. In Latin America there was also a development of nationalism in music in the twentieth century. Countries from this continent, once politically independent, became interested in solidifying and glorifying their national identities. This essay will discuss the history and tradition of Venezuelan folk and academic music through the guitar compositions of Antonio Lauro, who was best known for his nationalistic trend to rescue and to celebrate the Venezuelan nation's musical traditions. I have also chosen eight waltzes and the Suite Venezolana for guitar by the same composer, which are both representative works of Venezuelan academic and folklore music, and I have created a piano transcription. Aiming a new inclusion and expansion of the stagnant Venezuelan piano repertoire, with my hope they become useful compositions for the pianists' personal study and aid.

The aim of the thesis is to contribute to a growing understanding on how Venezuelan refugees are being constructed by the Brazilian media during the ongoing refugee crisis in South America and the main discourses related to them. The fact that South-South migration has so far been understudied and the relevant and fast-escalating displacement of people from Venezuela are the motivations for this study. The theoretical framework consists of Fairclough’s three-dimensional model of CDA and the theoretical concepts of stereotypes and othering. Twenty-one articles about Venezuelan refugees, published between 2016 and 2021, were analyzed. The findings of the thesis show that Venezuelans were mainly associated with negative aspects, entailing two sub discourses: in the first one, they were constructed as the origin of diseases at the borders and associated with violence and tension, and in the second one they were constructed as exploited, underemployed and poorly integrated into the formal labor market.

The politics of labeling is not a brand-new discussion in the political science field, however, the discussion on refugee labeling in the Global South context is barely discussed. The Rohingyas and the Venezuelans fled their countries to avoid persecution and other human rights violation happening in the countries. Although according to the 1951 Refugee Convention and 1984 Cartagena Declaration they fall under the refugee label, in reality, the label is determined by the receiving states. Some labels (such as those offered by Colombia and Peru), offer higher protection, whilst others (such as those offered by Malaysia and Thailand) offer lower or even no protection at all. This thesis analyzed how this label affects human security by using comparative and document analysis. The findings show how labeling impacts the human security of the refugees which for some of them, is a life-and-death situation.

Master of Agribusiness / Department of Agricultural Economics / Arlo Biere / Laundry bar soap has been produced commercially in Venezuela for over a century and is one of the most important products for beauty and personal care throughout the Venezuela. More than 10 Venezuelan companies produce and sell it, but two companies hold almost 85 percent of the market share, with the Las Llaves brand, alone, holding nearly 70 percent. Management for Las Llaves is concerned about how to remain competitive not only with quality and acceptance of its product (effectiveness) but also with how to produce the soap efficiently (at the lowest possible cost) to remain competitive in today's global economic environment. The objective of this thesis is to identify and analyze the sourcing costs of three raw ingredients used to produce laundry bar soap in the Las Llaves facility and to provide a model scenario to support the decision making analysis within the purchasing department.

The present study is an investigation of acoustic correlates corresponding to the category [voice] in two dialects of Venezuelan Spanish. The Andean mountain dialect Mérida (MER) and Caribbean coastal dialect Margarita (MAR) are thought to differ systematically in the phonetic implementation of the Spanish phonological stop series along the lines of lowland and highland divides commonly reported for Latin American Spanish. Specifically, MER has been characterized by a greater percentage of occlusive pronunciations, MAR by more fricative and/or approximant realizations of phonological stops. To test what repercussions these differences in consonant articulation have on the acoustic correlates that encode [voice], a production experiment was run. Informants were 25 adult monolingual speakers of Venezuelan Spanish from the areas of El Tirano (Margarita Island) and San Rafael de Mucuchíes (Mérida state). The materials were 44 CV syllable prompts. Target syllables were analyzed with respect to the following: consonant closure duration, VOT, %VF, RMS, preceding vowel duration, CV ratio, F1 onset frequency, F0 contour, and burst. Statistical analysis using a linear mixed model ANOVA tested for fixed effects of voicing category, dialect and condition (speeded/unspeeded) and interactions of voicing category * dialect and dialect * condition. Results showed that the dialects MER and MAR vary significantly in RMS. In addition, the following correlates were significant for the interaction of voicing category * dialect: consonant duration, VOT, %VF, RMS, CV ratio and burst. Generally, the nature of the differences indicates a greater separation between [± voice] values in MER than in MAR (notably divergent are VOT and RMS). These results imply that while the same acoustic correlates of [voice] are operative in both fortis and lenis dialects of Spanish, [± voice] categories relate differently. Furthermore, with regard to prosody and rate of speech, most significant differences in condition occurred in initial position while most significant differences in the interaction of voicing category * dialect were linked to medial position. The results of this study are relevant to current research on the specifics of dialectal variation in consonant systems. They also have wider implications for the general mapping of phonetics to phonology in speech. / text

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:19:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jose Alfonso Klein.pdf: 2768084 bytes, checksum: 53b494fe9828b1c01bcc684cfe4fc308 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-10-01 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This José Alfonso Klein s research presents a theoretical reflection on Political Power and Classes Struggles in Venezuela: 1989 2009. Initially, it was considered whether the deployment of neoliberal policies as determinative for configuring economic, political and social history of that period, in Latin America. In parallel movement, it can be observed developments of the imposition of this new mode of capitalist development: economic crisis, political instability, popular insurgencies. In the region of Latin America and the Caribbean, Venezuela has presented as main field of proliferation of popular movements to combat the deterioration of life general conditions of the working class, produced by inconsequentional economical opening, since 1989. The economic crisis caused social conflicts, which awaken political arguing. In Venezuela, the first and crucial moment of contestation of the masses against neoliberalism and imperialism (Caracazo), defined the history direction. The political organization for social movements follow Practical and theoretical, according to the reflection of historical agents at the time, can lead to a struggle for the revolutionary field or conciliatory. In the Venezuelan issue, the actions and ideas was designed by the so called the Bolivarian Revolution , led by President Hugo Chávez, which signals policies related to structural socioeconomic reforms. Consequently, the reaction of the former politically hegemonic classes has faded in an obvious class struggle, which culminated in a strike against Chavez -and counter-attack of the masses and part of the army in their favor (2002). In addition to the consideration of the political purposes of protests from "Street policy (governists or opposition), the evaluation of this process requires observation of socio-economic results of Government "revolutionary Bolivarian", presented in statistical surveys (until 2009). However, a simple review of the current economic situation of Venezuela certainly will not answer questions such as: the dimension of the correlation of forces; the degree of revolutionary forces accumulated; the ability to action or reaction of the classes in defense of their interests; the deepening of classes s struggle in the country depends on the capacity of reforms that are suggested as being "revolutionary", caused by a more violent reactions that may occur.The perception of the entire process will depend on the capacity of the social forces in concreting and operating transformations necessary for setting up a new Venezuelan reality. For both, not just a passive observer, but the active participation of this historic moment which is the major purpose of this work / Este trabalho de José Alfonso Klein tem como título: Poder político e lutas de classes na Venezuela: 1989 2009. Através da dialética das relações sociais, políticas e econômicas na Venezuela, com amplo referencial bibliográfico em estudo exploratório, analisou-se os resultados das medidas neoliberais e imperialistas, como determinantes conjunturais e históricas do período, com abrangência latino-americana e caribenha. Observam-se, inicialmente, os desdobramentos da imposição dessa modalidade de desenvolvimento capitalista: crise econômica, instabilidade política e insurgências populares. Na região latino-americana e caribenha, a Venezuela apresentou-se como principal campo de proliferação dos movimentos populares de luta contra o agravamento das condições gerais de vida da classe trabalhadora, produzido pela inconseqüente abertura econômica, a partir de 1989. A crise econômica suscitou os conflitos sociais, que despertou o embate político. O primeiro e crucial momento venezuelano de contestação das massas contra o neoliberalismo e o imperialismo (Caracazo), definiu os rumos históricos das décadas seguintes. A organização política dos movimentos sociais segue orientações prático-teóricas, de acordo com a reflexão dos agentes históricos do momento, podendo conduzir a luta para o campo revolucionário ou conciliatório. No caso venezuelano, o conjunto das práticas e idéias definiu-se pela chamada Revolução Bolivariana, liderada pelo presidente Hugo Chávez, que sinaliza políticas de reformas sócio-econômicas estruturais. Conseqüentemente, a reação das antigas classes politicamente hegemônicas degenerou numa evidente luta de classes, que culminou no golpe contra o presidente da República - e no contra-golpe das massas e parte das forças armadas a seu favor (2002). Além da consideração sobre os propósitos políticos dos protestos da política de rua (de governistas ou de oposição), a avaliação desse processo requer a observação dos resultados sócio-econômicos do governo revolucionário bolivariano apresentados em levantamentos estatísticos (até 2009). Porém, um simples balanço da atual situação econômica do país certamente não responderá questões como: a dimensão dessa correlação de forças; o grau de forças revolucionárias acumuladas; a capacidade de ação ou reação das classes em defesa de seus interesses; o aprofundamento da luta de classes no país depende da continuidade das reformas que sugerem ser pró-revolucionárias devido às reações burguesas mais violentas que poderão ocorrer. A percepção da totalidade desse processo dependerá da capacidade das forças sociais em operar as transformações concretas e necessárias para a configuração de uma nova realidade venezuelana. Para tanto, não basta uma observação passiva, mas a participação ativa desse momento histórico que é a finalidade maior deste trabalho

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:52:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jose Alfonso Klein.pdf: 2768084 bytes, checksum: 53b494fe9828b1c01bcc684cfe4fc308 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-10-01 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This José Alfonso Klein s research presents a theoretical reflection on Political Power and Classes Struggles in Venezuela: 1989 2009. Initially, it was considered whether the deployment of neoliberal policies as determinative for configuring economic, political and social history of that period, in Latin America. In parallel movement, it can be observed developments of the imposition of this new mode of capitalist development: economic crisis, political instability, popular insurgencies. In the region of Latin America and the Caribbean, Venezuela has presented as main field of proliferation of popular movements to combat the deterioration of life general conditions of the working class, produced by inconsequentional economical opening, since 1989. The economic crisis caused social conflicts, which awaken political arguing. In Venezuela, the first and crucial moment of contestation of the masses against neoliberalism and imperialism (Caracazo), defined the history direction. The political organization for social movements follow Practical and theoretical, according to the reflection of historical agents at the time, can lead to a struggle for the revolutionary field or conciliatory. In the Venezuelan issue, the actions and ideas was designed by the so called the Bolivarian Revolution , led by President Hugo Chávez, which signals policies related to structural socioeconomic reforms. Consequently, the reaction of the former politically hegemonic classes has faded in an obvious class struggle, which culminated in a strike against Chavez -and counter-attack of the masses and part of the army in their favor (2002). In addition to the consideration of the political purposes of protests from "Street policy (governists or opposition), the evaluation of this process requires observation of socio-economic results of Government "revolutionary Bolivarian", presented in statistical surveys (until 2009). However, a simple review of the current economic situation of Venezuela certainly will not answer questions such as: the dimension of the correlation of forces; the degree of revolutionary forces accumulated; the ability to action or reaction of the classes in defense of their interests; the deepening of classes s struggle in the country depends on the capacity of reforms that are suggested as being "revolutionary", caused by a more violent reactions that may occur.The perception of the entire process will depend on the capacity of the social forces in concreting and operating transformations necessary for setting up a new Venezuelan reality. For both, not just a passive observer, but the active participation of this historic moment which is the major purpose of this work / Este trabalho de José Alfonso Klein tem como título: Poder político e lutas de classes na Venezuela: 1989 2009. Através da dialética das relações sociais, políticas e econômicas na Venezuela, com amplo referencial bibliográfico em estudo exploratório, analisou-se os resultados das medidas neoliberais e imperialistas, como determinantes conjunturais e históricas do período, com abrangência latino-americana e caribenha. Observam-se, inicialmente, os desdobramentos da imposição dessa modalidade de desenvolvimento capitalista: crise econômica, instabilidade política e insurgências populares. Na região latino-americana e caribenha, a Venezuela apresentou-se como principal campo de proliferação dos movimentos populares de luta contra o agravamento das condições gerais de vida da classe trabalhadora, produzido pela inconseqüente abertura econômica, a partir de 1989. A crise econômica suscitou os conflitos sociais, que despertou o embate político. O primeiro e crucial momento venezuelano de contestação das massas contra o neoliberalismo e o imperialismo (Caracazo), definiu os rumos históricos das décadas seguintes. A organização política dos movimentos sociais segue orientações prático-teóricas, de acordo com a reflexão dos agentes históricos do momento, podendo conduzir a luta para o campo revolucionário ou conciliatório. No caso venezuelano, o conjunto das práticas e idéias definiu-se pela chamada Revolução Bolivariana, liderada pelo presidente Hugo Chávez, que sinaliza políticas de reformas sócio-econômicas estruturais. Conseqüentemente, a reação das antigas classes politicamente hegemônicas degenerou numa evidente luta de classes, que culminou no golpe contra o presidente da República - e no contra-golpe das massas e parte das forças armadas a seu favor (2002). Além da consideração sobre os propósitos políticos dos protestos da política de rua (de governistas ou de oposição), a avaliação desse processo requer a observação dos resultados sócio-econômicos do governo revolucionário bolivariano apresentados em levantamentos estatísticos (até 2009). Porém, um simples balanço da atual situação econômica do país certamente não responderá questões como: a dimensão dessa correlação de forças; o grau de forças revolucionárias acumuladas; a capacidade de ação ou reação das classes em defesa de seus interesses; o aprofundamento da luta de classes no país depende da continuidade das reformas que sugerem ser pró-revolucionárias devido às reações burguesas mais violentas que poderão ocorrer. A percepção da totalidade desse processo dependerá da capacidade das forças sociais em operar as transformações concretas e necessárias para a configuração de uma nova realidade venezuelana. Para tanto, não basta uma observação passiva, mas a participação ativa desse momento histórico que é a finalidade maior deste trabalho

This report, rooted in the conflict over the control of natural resource wealth, departs from the widely-accepted findings of two disparate literatures. First, while recent analyses correctly conclude that natural resources rents play a contingent role in development, this study deviates from the conventional wisdom attributing the variation of the resource curse to formal institutions. Secondly, as opposed to the recent wave of “political insurance” arguments that ascribe the creation of reforms to weak incumbents attempting to tie the hands of their successors, I argue that actors pursue similar institutional reforms for economic and political reasons. I build on these literatures by examining the commitment to a specific government institution—stabilization funds, which manage the fluctuations of natural resource rents and stop natural resource wealth from being a curse—across three natural resource-rich Latin American countries: Chile, Mexico and Venezuela. Paradoxically, because successful stabilization funds provide greater political benefits when rents are saved, I argue that these institutions only tie the hands of political successors from using rents for political purposes when they are created for economic purposes. / text