Como votam os legisladores latino-americanos em temas de política externa? Essa pergunta é norteada por um longo debate na literatura especializada acerca da especificidade da política externa em relação às demais políticas públicas e sua influência no comportamento legislativo. Por um lado, argumenta-se uma tendência a um comportamento unificado entre os partidos políticos nos temas internacionais, revelando baixa politização da política externa na arena legislativa. O elevado custo eleitoral de se opor à política externa presidencial, o baixo retorno eleitoral dos temas internacionais e a maior capacidade institucional do Poder Executivo conduzir a política externa do país são alguns dos principais argumentos desta perspectiva analítica. Por outro lado, enfatiza-se a importância dos arranjos e coalizões domésticas na formulação da política externa, apontando semelhança entre os comportamentos legislativos nas arenas doméstica e internacional. A diluição entre a fronteira que divide os assuntos domésticos e internacionais, assim como o crescente efeito distributivo advindo da política externa em economias cada vez mais interdependentes são alguns dos fatores explicativos desta perspectiva teórica. Embora haja grande profusão de estudos acerca do comportamento legislativo na política externa cujo objeto é o caso norte-americano, para o caso dos países latino-americanos ainda há um baixo número de trabalhos empíricos, especialmente aqueles que incluem mais de um caso na análise. Assim, a presente tese analisa as votações nominais em temas de política externa em seis países latino-americanos: Argentina, Brasil, Chie, México, Paraguai e Peru. São dois os principais objetivos. Primeiro, comparar o comportamento legislativo em temas de política externa e doméstica a fim determinar semelhanças e diferenças em alguns aspectos centrais: o nível de unidade partidária, a dimensionalidade dos votos e o nível de conflito interpartidário. Segundo, encontrar os fatores determinantes do voto do legislador latino-americano em temas de política externa. Para tanto, calculamos os índices de Rice dos principais partidos políticos dos seis países, comparando-os com os scores da arena doméstica. Fazemos o uso de técnicas de estimação dos pontos ideais dos legisladores latino-americanos em temas de política externa para determinar o nível de conflito interpartidário e a dimensionalidade das votações. Adicionalmente, analisamos o voto do legislador latino-americano em temas de política comercial por meio de regressão logística, incluindo nos modelos explicativos variáveis correspondentes às características socioeconômicas do distrito eleitoral do legislador. Nossos resultados indicam baixa diferenciação entre os níveis de unidade partidária dos partidos 5 políticos nas arenas doméstica e internacional, além de níveis similares de conflito interpartidário, ainda que haja algumas variações importantes entre os casos. Verificou-se baixa dimensionalidade nas votações de política externa em todos os países, interpretada como a disposição dos partidos políticos no contínuo ideológico direita - esquerda e a dicotomia entre governo e oposição. Finalmente, a análise dos modelos logísticos indica, para o caso específico da política comercial, similaridade nos fatores estruturadores do voto do legislador, mais notadamente a dicotomia entre governo e oposição e a ideologia dos partidos políticos. Concluímos a baixa relevância da especificidade da política externa na influência do comportamento legislativo em plenário, comportamento este muito similar às demais políticas públicas. / How do Latin-American legislators vote in foreign policy issues? The question addresses a long debate in the specialized literature regarding foreign policy specificity among other public policies and its influence on legislative behavior. On one hand, unified behavior among political parties on international issues is argued to be the standard behavior, revealing low polarization in legislative foreign policy decisions. The high costs of opposing presidents foreign policy, the low electoral gains obtained from foreign policy activism and the greater capacity of Executive to conduct international issues are among the main arguments of this perspective. On the other hand, the importance of domestic institutions and coalitions are emphasized as important features of the foreign policy decision-making process, pointing out similarity between legislative behaviors in both arenas. The dilution between domestic and foreign boundaries, as well as the distributive effect from increasing internationalized economies derived from foreign policy choices are some of explanatory features from this theoretical perspective. Although there is a great amount of studies focusing on legislative behavior in foreign policy at the US Congress, there is a lack of empirical research regarding Latin-American countries, especially across cases. The present thesis investigates foreign policy roll call votes of six Latin American countries: Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Mexico, Paraguay and Peru. The main goals are two. First, to compare the legislative behavior in domestic and foreign policies regarding the level of party unity, dimensionality of voting and the level of inter-party conflict. Second, explaining legislative votes in foreign policy. We calculate the rice index for the major political parties of the six countries mentioned above, comparing the scores in both domestic and international arenas. We also apply technics of estimating legislator\'s ideal points to assess the level of inter-party polarization and the dimensionality of foreign policy votes. We argue that there is no significant difference between legislative behaviors regarding the domestic and foreign arenas. Party unity, the level of inter-party polarization and the dimensionality of policy are all quite similar in both domestic and international issues. Our findings also indicate low dimensionality in foreign policy votes interpreted as the ideological position of political parties and the government opposition dichotomy. Finally, the logistic models also indicate ideology and coalition as the main explanatory variables of legislators votes in trade policy. The specific nature of foreign policy does not impact significantly legislative behavior in Latin America.

This study aims to describe the composition of people who held voting power in the municipality Växjö landsförsamling in the years 1882 and 1911. One system for the voting right was in place in 1882 and was replaced by a different system before 1911. The difference between the systems shows a movement towards a more democratic society, both between the sexes and economic classes. With intersectionality in mind, the study shows how both women and the economically disfavoured lose voting power through many mechanisms within the voting systems in place. Apart from there being fewer women than men with voting power in total, their income is generally lower, and their votes are fewer. Women also received fewer votes per unit of income in comparison to men. Female nurses were a group especially disfavoured by the voting systems in place, having a mean income which barely reaches the income threshold for more voting power. The study also describes the differences in voting power for people with different, showing how most of the actual votes are concentrated to the municipality’s richest people.

Conflict among legislators has been an ever-present component of the legislative process in the U.S. Congress. However, most political scientists have treated all dissension within the legislature as the result of partisan disagreement over various policy options. I propose in this thesis that a second dimension of conflict exists within Congress, one caused by personal rivalries unrelated to the discussion of issues. This category, which I have termed "personality conflict," or "incivility," can take the form of actions between legislators such as name-calling and fist-fights. In my research, I have created a measure of these incivilities and studied the movement in the levels of personality conflict within Congress from 1851 through 2004. In addition, I compare these trends to a conventional measure of party polarization or partisan conflict. The analysis suggests that the two types of conflict are distinct, but also that levels of one type of congressional conflict can have important effects on the absolute level of the other.

Aux Etats-Unis, les années 1990 ont été marquées par l’émergence de nouveaux débats politiques sur le libre-échange. Une large coalition de syndicats et d’organisations pour la protection de l’environnement et des consommateurs s’est pour la première fois mobilisée dans le but de redéfinir les règles de la politique commerciale américaine. Quel est le bilan de leurs activités politiques, près de quinze après leur première bataille législative contre l’Accord de libre-échange nord-américain (ALENA) ? Ce travail de recherche s’appuie sur une série d’entretiens avec des acteurs politiques, des documents internes de groupes d’intérêts (syndicats, écologistes, patronat, etc.) et les registres du Congrès pour analyser les conflits entre les défenseurs du libre-échange et les partisans d’une « équité des échanges » à travers cinq études de cas entre 1991 et 2005. L’analyse conclut que la « relation spéciale » entre le patronat et l’exécutif a été l’un des principaux obstacles aux progrès de l’alliance entre syndicalistes et écologistes depuis l’origine du processus de décision jusqu’à la ratification au Congrès. Non seulement les institutions américaines ont limité l’influence des groupes de la société civile à l’origine des négociations commerciales, mais le président a également fortement assisté les organisations patronales dans leurs efforts de lobbying, leur permettant de remporter la plupart des batailles législatives entre 1991 et 2005. / The 1990s marked the emergence of the “new politics of American trade.” A large coalition of labor, environmental and consumer organizations fought to broaden the narrow economic scope of American trade policy and change the rules of globalization. More than fifteen years after their first legislative battle against the North American Free Trade Agreement, what is the legacy of their political mobilization? What factors constrained their progress? Drawing from interviews with political actors, lobbying materials from labor, environmental and business organizations, and congressional records, this dissertation analyzes the clash between “fair” and “free” traders in five major legislative battles from 1991 to 2005. It reveals that the “special relationship” between the business community and the executive branch was the key obstacle to the achievements of the “blue (collar)-green” alliance from the beginning to the end of the policy process. Not only did the private sector enjoy privileged access to the negotiations phase, but the president also assisted free trade coalitions in their lobbying efforts, allowing them to win most legislative battles.

Submitted by admin tede (tede@pucgoias.edu.br) on 2017-06-01T18:03:59Z No. of bitstreams: 1 WDSON CESAR FREIRE DE MELO.pdf: 2321898 bytes, checksum: 9add69769d792a14a64bbd6f786eb1c3 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-01T18:03:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 WDSON CESAR FREIRE DE MELO.pdf: 2321898 bytes, checksum: 9add69769d792a14a64bbd6f786eb1c3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-03-14 / This work has as its theme the study of ex-votes offered to the Divine Eternal Father of Trinity in the first half of the twentieth century and its relations with popular religiosity. Former vows are objects offered to the saints as a form of thanksgiving for a miracle achieved. We have identified votive expressions as a source capable of revealing aspects of the social reality of devotions. Used as a form of recognition for the cure of a disease, ex-votes represent the aggressions suffered by the body in the society of Goiás. Popular devotion reveals the important role that miracles have in everyday life: the healing of an animal, protection against domestic and work-related accidents, and assistance with sorcery. Despite ecclesiastical efforts to Christianize popular belief in the miracle, ex-votes had delicate and difficult limits to demarcate between the sacred and the profane. / Este trabalho tem como tema o estudo dos ex votos ofertados ao Divino Pai Eterno de Trindade na primeira metade do século XX e suas relações com a religiosidade popular. Os ex-votos são objetos ofertados aos santos como forma de agradecimento por um milagre alcançado. Identificamos as expressões votivas como uma fonte capaz de revelar aspectos da realidade social das devoções. Utilizados como forma de reconhecimento pela cura de uma doença, os ex-votos representam as agressões sofridas pelo corpo na sociedade goiana. A devoção popular revela o importante papel que os milagres possuem no cotidiano: a cura de um animal, a proteção contra os acidentes domésticos e no trabalho, a assistência contra os sortilégios. Apesar dos esforços eclesiásticos em cristianizar a crença popular no milagre, os ex-votos tinham limites delicados e difíceis de demarcar entre o sagrado e o profano.

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This paper is aimed at exploring the theory and process about electoral marketing of political partys, candidates in multimember distric and SNTV system in Taiwan. First, we discuss the features under multimember distric and SNTV system in Taiwan and also try to analyze the theory for electoral marketing which consists of theories about marketing, political commmunication and electoral strategies to offer a basic theory for electoral marketing of political partys and candidates in this paper. In addition, we also construct a research framework for electoral marketing of political partys, candidates in multimember distric and SNTV system in Taiwan by exploring the features under multimember distric and SNTV system in Taiwan and the theory for electoral marketing in this paper. .Second, we also use the observational method, the interview method and the research framework for electoral marketing of political partys, candidates in multimember distric and SNTV system in Taiwan to analyze the electoral marketing of the TSU party and its candidate in the north district in Kaohsiung city for the 2004 legislator election in this paper. Finally, the candidate in this case successes to get the seat for the 2004 legislator election, and the winning key is his electoral marketing. The strategies for his electoral marketing in the first period and the second period are emphasized his personality, profession and the TSU party. The strategies for his electoral marketing in the third period and the final period are emphasized the coordination with the DPP and allocation of votes. By analyzing the theory and the case, we can find a basic framework for electoral marketing of political partys, candidates in multimember distric and SNTV system in Taiwan and it could be possible to win a seat by working with political partys and making a theme for electoral marketing to emphasize the personality and profession of candidates, or to operate ¡§allocation of votes¡¨, including the coordination among political partys and candidates. To sum up, the electoral marketing of political partys, candidates in multimember distric and SNTV system is a process, including political partys, candidates, professinal work-teams, strategies and campaigns for electoral marketing, and voters. It also can show a process for political communication in which political partys, candidates and work-teams may use strategies and campaigns for electoral marketing to address political information to voters and correct strategies and campaigns for electoral marketing from voter¡¦s feedback. In this way, political partys, candidates can give voters what they want and success to win a seat. At the same time, we also can offer new ideas for researching the behavior of political partys and candidates, the campaigns of political elite in Kaohsiung city and developing the research for elections in Taiwan in this paper.

This dissertation builds on existing scholarship in political science and political sociology to explore the influence of interest groups in legislative action networks. The primary theoretical insight is that as the number of interest group affiliations between two members of Congress increases, so does the frequency with which they forge other sorts of social ties necessary to advance the interests of their interest group constituencies. In particular, the analysis looks at interest group donation strategies, legislative co-sponsorships, and roll-call votes during the 111th Congress (2009-2010). The analysis uses social network analysis methods to create network models of 19 different policy domains, as well as an aggregate model, for both the House and Senate. Legislator ideology, state, committee assignments, and experience have a generally significant impact on the number of interest group affiliations shared by each pair of legislators, whereas gender, race/ethnicity, office location and occupational history do not. The results show that interest groups do have consistent impact over co-sponsorships in the House, but somewhat more mixed influence in the Senate. In some instances, groups in the policy domain encourage policy change, and in other instances, status quo protection. The theory did not anticipate the latter effect, though it does make sense in context of other research findings. For roll-call votes, interest groups have a significant influence over some House policy domains but not many Senate policy domains. The increased polarization of the Senate, necessity of minority party discipline to maximize their leverage through use of the filibuster, and staggered nature of Senate elections makes interest group influence tougher to muster in the upper chamber of Congress.

La croissance importante du nombre d'étudiants et le changement de profils des apprenants constatés durant les deux dernières décennies ont bouleversé l'enseignement supérieur. Le besoin d'adapter les enseignements a émergé brutalement. Les cours en face à face s'adressant à un grand nombre d'étudiants offrent un cadre soutenable pour la recherche et la mise en oeuvre de nouvelles pratiques pédagogiques. Dans ce contexte, différentes études montrent que l'utilisation de systèmes de votes interactifs (SVI) est un moyen de proposer des évaluations formatives aux étudiants durant le cours en les engageant massivement. Cependant ces systèmes n'intègrent pas toutes les dimensions caractérisant l'évaluation formative, ils ne tirent pas parti des apports des systèmes d'échanges et de partage de textes (SEPT) ayant fait leur apparition avec Internet et offrent donc des modalités d'interactions limitées. Ainsi nos travaux adressent les deux questions de recherche suivantes : - comment enrichir la mise en oeuvre d'évaluations formatives dans le contexte d'un cours en face à face dispensé à un grand nombre d'étudiants ? - comment susciter l'engagement du plus grand nombre d'étudiants dans les activités relatives à ces évaluations formatives ? Pour répondre à ces questions, nous proposons en premier lieu un cadre de travail pour la conception de systèmes d'évaluation formative dans le contexte des cours en face à face adressés à une large audience. Nous introduisons ainsi le concept d'évaluation d'audience et décrivons les processus qui lui sont associés en utilisant un langage standard de modélisation. De plus, afin d'enrichir la mise en oeuvre de l'évaluation formative dans les amphithéâtres, nous proposons un nouveau processus baptisé "processus en N phases" intégrant des activités et stratégies caractéristiques de l'évaluation formative telles que l'évaluation par les pairs ou l'utilisation des étudiants comme ressources pour les autres. Ce processus supporte également des modalités d'interaction plus riches qui incluent la saisie de texte libre ou la fourniture de feedback sous forme textuelle. La deuxième partie de nos travaux porte sur la conception et la mise en oeuvre du système d'évaluation d'audience Tsaap-Notes qui combine les atouts des SVI et des SEPT pour implanter le processus en N phases. Ce système d'évaluation d'audience enrichi a fait l'objet d'une série d'expérimentations montrant des résultats probant sur la capacité du système à maintenir l'engagement de la très grande majorité des étudiants dans le processus d'évaluation formative. / The significant growth in student numbers and changing learner profiles observed during the last two decades have shaken higher education. The need to adapt teaching strongly appeared. Face to face lectures for a large audience are a sustainable frame for research and implementation of new pedagogical practices. In this context, different studies show that the use of audience response system (ARS) is an efficient way to provide students with formative assessments during lectures and that they engage a large numbers of attendees. However, these systems do not integrate all dimensions of formative assessments, they do not take advantages of sharing text systems (STS) who appeared with Internet and therefore provide only limited types of interaction. Thus, our work addresses the following research questions : - how to enhance implementation of formative assessments in the context of face to face lectures adressed to a large number of students ? - how to maintain engagement of the majority of students in activities related to these formative assessments ? In order to answer these questions, we first propose a framework for the design of formative assessment systems to be used during face to face lectures addressed to a large audience. Thus, we introduce the concept of Audience Assessment and describe its related processes using a standard language. Then, in order to enhance implementation of formative assessments addressed to a large audience, we propose a new process called "N phases process" which introduces characteristic activities and strategies of formative assessments such as peer assessment or use of students as resources of instruction for others. This process supports also richer types of interaction such as answer given as free text entry or feedback provided as text. The second part of our work focuses on the design and the implementation of the audience assessment system called " Tsaap-Notes ". Tsaap-Notes combines the strengths of SVI and STS to implement the N phases process. A series of experimentations has been conducted on Tsaap-Notes showing good results on the capacity of the N phases process to engage the large majority of students.

The essay focuses on the newly discovered findings that the distribution of preferences votes across candidate’s guides the political parties decisions on candidate promotions and helps shape the ballot list for the next election. Preference votes have therefore an indirect effect on candidate’s future political career. The aim of the essay is to supplement the existing research on the subject by analysing how the effect differs between candidates with different backgrounds. This due to the fact that candidates with foreign background are underrepresented in Swedish political assemblies and where previous research has showed that one explanation is the existence of discrimination in the political parties. It is therefore interesting to investigate whether the political parties reward candidates with different background for their share of preference votes to the same extent. The essay searches to do so by examining the correlation between candidate’s share of preference votes in the municipal council election in 2010 and the same candidates ballot list placement in the municipal council election in 2014. The essay finds that the there is no significant difference in effect between candidates with different background. Despite this, the results provide some support that preference votes is particular important for candidates with foreign background.