M.A. (History) / Please refer to full text to view abstract

L’objectif de cette thèse est d’appréhender les relations entre le roi et les nobles à la fin des guerres de Religion. La période des guerres civiles est marquée par un affaiblissement de l’autorité monarchique. Pour rétablir l’ordre dans le royaume, le roi doit compter sur les nobles dont la vocation est de porter les armes. Or, beaucoup de ces seigneurs ne le reconnaissent pas comme roi légitime. Par la guerre, les négociations et une savante politique de légitimation, Henri IV parvient à les rallier progressivement à son autorité. Cette thèse vise à comprendre ce processus de réconciliation, sur quelles bases il repose et comment les nobles contribuent à la redéfinition du pouvoir après ces périodes de troubles. Car si la paix est rétablie dans le royaume à partir de 1598 avec la paix de Vervins et l’édit de Nantes, les contestations nobiliaires ne sont pas totalement éteintes et éclatent à plusieurs reprises jusqu’en 1629. Les modalités de la révolte sont donc au cœur de cette thèse, c’est-à-dire la façon dont les nobles expriment leur mécontentement et justifient leurs oppositions au souverain. La cour est un cadre privilégié pour observer les dynamiques de pouvoir qui se jouent entre le souverain et les nobles, hommes et femmes. Le choix d’une période comprise 1589 et 1629 permet de suivre l’évolution de ces rapports à l’autorité monarchique et de mesurer le poids de l’honneur, moteur de l’action nobiliaire, mais aussi de la défense de la foi dans les prises de position nobiliaires. Cette longue période permet d’appréhender en quoi les contestations nobiliaires contribuent à la construction monarchique dans une période marquée par des conflits religieux. / The aim of this thesis is to understand the relationships between the King and the nobles at the end of the Wars of Religion. This period is marked by a weakening of the royal authority and the division of nobility between factions with different religious faiths. In order to restore order in the kingdom, the King must rely upon nobles whose vocation is to bear arms. However, many nobles don’t recognize him like as a legitimate sovereign. Through war, negotiations and a wise policy of legitimation, Henri IV achieves his goal of rallying them behind his authority. This thesis aims to understand this reconciliation process, on what basis it is founded and how nobles contribute to redefine royal power. Even though peace has been restored since 1598 with the Peace of Vervins and the Edict of Nantes, protests of nobility are not shut and flared several times until 1629. The modalities of the revolt are at the heart of this thesis, that is, the way nobles express their discontent and justify their oppositions against the sovereign. The court provides an ideal environment for the observation of the power dynamics between the King and nobles, men and women. The choice of the period from 1589 up to 1629 allows one to follow the evolution of the relations with the monarchical authority and evaluate the weight of honor, driving force of nobility action as well as the defense of faith in the nobles’ positions. This extensive period allows to apprehend how nobility protests contribute to the building of the monarchy during a period marked by religious conflicts.

A Guerra Gótica é uma narrativa composta em três livros, que fazem parte da coleção História das Guerras, de Procópio de Cesareia (490-562). Estes livros contêm relatos das campanhas enviadas pelo imperador bizantino Justiniano (527-565), com o objetivo de retomar para o Império o domínio sobre seus antigos territórios na Pérsia e no mundo mediterrânico, então sob autoridade de governos bárbaros. Estas guerras ficaram historiograficamente conhecidas como as guerras de Reconquista. As narrativas de Procópio se iniciam com a descrição da gradual perda do poder imperial na Itália em favor dos bárbaros em 476, que a historiografia consagrou como a Queda de Roma. Entretanto, Procópio não descreve esse processo como sendo a queda do Império, tão pouco fala das guerras de Justiniano como uma luta pela Reconquista. Mesmo assim, seus textos foram amplamente utilizados para estruturar e consolidar tais conceitos. Nossa proposta é analisar como o historiador interpretou as disputas pelo poder na Itália, travadas entre romanos e bárbaros, no período da deposição de Rômulo Augusto e no governo de Justiniano, contribuindo, assim, para a discussão de problemas historiográficos como os acima citados. / The Gothic War is a narrative composed in three books, which are part of the collection History of the Wars written by Procopius (490-562). These books contain accounts of the campaigns sent by the Byzantine Emperor Justinian (527-565), with the goal of regaining for the Empire the dominion over its former territories in Persia and the Mediterranean World, then under the authority of barbarian governments. These wars are historiographically known as the wars of \"Reconquest\". The narratives of Procopius begin with the description of the gradual loss of imperial power in Italy in favor of the barbarians in 476, which the historiography has consecrated as \"Fall of Rome\". However, Procopius did not describe this process as the \"fall\" of the Empire, neither wrote about the wars of Justinian as a fight for the \"Reconquest\". Even so, his texts were widely used to structure and consolidate these concepts. Our proposal is to analyze how the historian has interpreted the struggle for power in Italy, fought between romans and barbarians in the period of the deposition of Rômulo Augusto and the government of Justinian, thus contributing to the discussion of historiographical problems as mentioned above.

Esta tese de doutorado, intitulada José Luandino Vieira: memória e guerras entrelaçadas com a escrita, propõe a leitura de três romances: Nós, os do Makulusu (1975), O livro dos rios (2006) e O livro dos guerrilheiros (2009), do angolano Luandino Vieira. As três narrativas produzidas nos fins do século XX e nos primeiros anos do século XXI encenam as transformações vivenciadas a partir do processo de colonização (guerra de libertação/independência de Angola), bem como o entrecruzamento da História/ficção (na apropriação e interpretação do passado), da memória e da escrita (individual e/ou coletiva) decorrentes desse momento. Portanto, através de uma leitura baseada nos pressupostos da literatura comparada, procuramos analisar a relação entre os três romances. Desse modo, esperamos mostrar como a ficcionalização da guerra de libertação evidencia as fissuras, perplexidades e profundas contradições internas de um país que viveu guerras sucessivas que só terminaram no ano de 2002, portanto em pleno século XXI / This doctoral thesis entitled José Luandino Vieira: memory and wars intertwined with writing proposes the reading of three novels: Nós, os do Makulusu (1975), O livro dos rios (2006) e O livro dos guerrilheiros (2009), by Luandino Vieira from Angola. The three narratives produced in the late 20th century and in the early 21st century stage the changes experienced since the colonization process (war of liberation/independence of Angola) which constitute the central theme as well as the interweaving of History/fiction (in appropriating and interpreting the past), of memory and writing (individual and/or collective) resulting from this moment. Therefore, by means of a reading based on the assumptions of comparative literature, we attempted to analyze the relationship between the three novels. Therefore, we hope to show how the fictionalization of the war of liberation highlights the fissures, perplexities and deep internal contradictions of a country that has experienced recurrent wars, which did not end until 2002, that is in the 21st century

O estudo analisa a influência dos boatos na vitória de César sobre Pompeu, ocorrida nas guerras civis de 49 e 48 a.C. Apesar do breve período de disputas, tem como recorte temporal os anos de 54 a 48 a.C., pois foi aí que apareceram os primeiros boatos das lutas entre os generais. Para tanto, toma como fontes obras de gêneros literários variados, situadas entre os séculos I a.C. e IV d.C. Dentro de tal corpus, destacam-se os Comentários sobre as Guerras Civis, redigidos por César, as Cartas a Ático e as Cartas aos Amigos, escritas por Cícero, e a Farsália, composta por Lucano. O referencial teórico abrange os conceitos de boato, janelas de oportunidades, ação coletiva e memória social. O objetivo geral é compreender a relação entre uma stasis, a propagação de boatos e a mobilização dos grupos. Seguem-no os objetivos específicos, por meio dos quais o estudo analisa de que modo as ações coletivas oportunizavam vantagens ou desvantagens militares, e também precisa como a formação de alianças tornou César o favorito ao sucesso. Considera que os boatos foram decisivos para o triunfo cesariano, pois contribuíram para a conquista de apoio, a rendição de cidades e a aquisição de recursos. / This work analyses the influence of rumours concerning the victory of Caesar over Pompey during the civil wars in 49 and 48 BC. Despite the brief period of disputes, this study considers a time frame that encompasses the years from 54 to 48 BC, for it was during this period that appeared the first rumours about the dispute between these generals. For this end, the study takes as sources works of varied literary genres from the 1st Century BC to the 4th Century AD. Within such a corpus, we highlight the Commentaries on the Civil War, written by Caesar, the Letters to Atticus and the Letters to Friends, authored by Cicero, and the Pharsalia, written by Lucan. The theoretical references embrace the concepts of rumour, windows of opportunity, collective action and social memory. The general purpose of this research is to understand the relation between a stasis, rumour spread and the mobilization of groups. The specific objectives concern the understanding of how the collective actions propitiated military advantages and disadvantages; also they specify how the formation of alliances made Caesar the favourite to succeed. It is considered that the rumours were decisive for the triumph of Caesar, due to their contribution regarding the obtainment of support, the surrender of cities and the acquisition of resources.

O propósito desta dissertação é apresentar algumas idéias sobre o emprego das palavras relacionadas à visão no texto do Livro I das Histórias de Heródoto. O principal destaque é dado à relação entre ver e saber e as investigações de Heródoto. O segundo propósito, decorrente do primeiro, é verificar a importância dos oráculos no Livro I e buscar a relação (se existe) entre oráculos, sonhos, visões e a busca do conhecimento. / The purpose of this dissertation is to show some ideas about the use of words related to sight in the text of HerodotusHistories, Book I . The main focus is given to the existing relationship between seeing and knowing and Herodotus researches. The second purpose, built from the first one, is to evaluate the importance of oracles described in Book I and to seek the relationship of (if it exists) oracles, dreams, visions and the search for knowledge.

A guerra civil é a forma de violência coletiva mais importante de nossa época. Embora pesquisas recentes tenham apontado alguns elementos como determinantes das guerras civis, a influência dos fatores políticos nos conflitos internos ainda é controversa. O presente estudo analisa, por meio de regressão estatística, a relação entre a competitividade do poder executivo e a incidência de guerras civis de 1976 a 2000. Os achados indicam que tanto eleições com candidatos únicos como votações multipartidárias reduzem a incidência de guerras civis. Ademais, os resultados dão apoio às hipóteses levantadas pela literatura recente de que terreno montanhoso, grande população, sistema políticos centralizados e a existência de conflitos anteriores aumentam significativamente o risco de incidência de guerras civis / Civil War is the most important form of collective violence of our time. Although recent research has yielded some determining elements to civil war, the influence of political factors on internal conflicts remains disputed. This study analyzes, by means of statistics regression, the correlation between the competitiveness in the Executive Branch and the incidence of civil war from 1976 to 2000. The findings indicate that both single-candidate and multi-party elections reduce the incidence of civil war. Furthermore, the results lend support to the hypotheses put forward by recent literature that mountainous terrain, large population, centralized political system, and the existence of former conflicts significantly heighten the risk of incidence of civil war

Désireux de conquérir et de dominer le Milanais, François Ier (1515-1521) Francesco II Sforza (1522-1525) et Charles Quint (1526-1530) sont tous trois confrontés à un terreau politique à haut potentiel centrifuge, ce que nous appelons un « champ de forces et de luttes ». Notre enquête comparative de leur exercice successif de la domination met en lumière trois stratégies originales d’exercice direct, de délégation du pouvoir et d’intégration/médiation par les élites ou le popolo. Car chacun des princes et de leurs serviteurs conçoivent, à leur façon, leur propre pouvoir, les limites juridiques, géographiques et symboliques de celui-ci, et de celles des sujets dominés. Chacun a sa cartographie propre des rapports de force en ses terres d’origines, à Milan, en Italie, et en Europe. Très important, chaque modèle n’est pas statique mais en production, en tant que fruit d’une dialectique continue entre son héritage et une réalité chaque jour inédite, entre ses forces internes et l’influence extérieure, entre ce qu’il croit, et dit être, et ce qu’il exprime au quotidien. Dans ce contexte, la capacité d’adaptation du politique, ses modalités et ses limites face à l’inconnu et l’inédit devient cruciale afin de faire prévaloir ses attentes et défendre ses gains politiques. / Eager to conquer and dominate the State of Milan, Francis I (1515-1521) Francesco II Sforza (1522-1525) and Charles V (1526-1530) all three face a political ground with high centrifugal potential, what we call a "field of forces and struggles". Our comparative survey of their successive exercise of domination highlights three original strategies of direct exercise, delegation of power and integration/mediation by the elites or the Popolo. In their own way, each of the princes and their servants conceive their own power, its legal, geographic and symbolic limits, and the quality of dominated subjects. Each has its own mapping power relations in its origins land whether in Milan, France and Spain. Very importantly, each model is not static but in production, as a result of continuous dialectic between its heritage and a reality each day renewed, between its internal forces and external influences, between what he believes, and said to be, and that it expresses every day. In this context, the policy of adaptability, its terms and limits of the unknown and the unexpected becomes crucial to uphold its expectations and defend its political gains.

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It has become widely accepted that if a state sends troops into another state following a government request, it will not breach the prohibition on the use of force set out in Article 2(4) of the UN Charter. This is known as "intervention by invitation." However, it is clearly open to abuse, especially when invoked as a legal justification for intervening in a civil war, allowing allies of ineffective governments to help suppress genuine popular revolts. Thus, many 20th century writers argued that intervention by invitation in civil wars was not lawful, on the basis that it would necessarily breach the principles of self-determination and non-intervention. Several 21st century writers have maintained this position. This thesis will challenge those claims. Its focus will be on the legal limits on intervening in a civil war: the key question being what circumstances, if any, preclude a state from responding to a government invitation to intervene in a civil war. Part I will set out the key doctrinal issues and the scope of the research question, including the definition of a civil war. In contrast to previous studies of intervention by invitation, it will critique the alleged prohibition on intervention in civil wars by analysing its two constituent elements, self-determination and non-intervention, from a historical and theoretical perspective, concluding that neither principle is sufficiently clear in definition or application to support a general prohibition on intervention by invitation. Part II will analyse recent state practice on intervention by invitation, in order to determine whether it is an evolving norm in light of new developments such as the global war on terror and the apparent decline of the effective control doctrine. It will also consider potential limits to intervention by invitation in civil wars in the absence of a general prohibition, such as loss of government status, coercion and the ways in which an invitation can be communicated, and the extent to which these limitations have been challenged or confirmed by recent state practice.