L’eau constitue un élément naturel fondamental dans la constitution des communautés humaines qui se sont regroupées autour d’elle. Ces sociétés de l’eau se sont organisées en fonction de la ressource qui fonde les liens juridiques entre leurs membres. L’on remarque alors l’existence d’une solidarité écologique qui lie les individus entre eux, et conduit à l’émergence de règles de droit en fonction des pratiques mises en œuvre au sein de ces communautés. Généralement qualifiées de coutumes, ces règles sont spontanées dans le sens où ses promoteurs en sont également les récepteurs, et sont transmises à l’échelle d’un groupement identifié qui assure leur pérennité. Les usages de l’eau désignent alors tant les utilisations qui sont faites de la ressource, que les règles de droit qu’elles induisent. La généralisation d’un droit commun à vocation uniformisatrice du système juridique français conduit à marginaliser l’existence de systèmes de droit traditionnels. Pour autant, certains territoires ruraux appliquent encore des règles spontanées et coutumières dans le cadre de l’exploitation de la ressource en eau, à des fins d’irrigation ou de pisciculture. S’opposent alors le droit coutumier et le droit commun qui s’appliquent à l’eau. Ces usages sont alors confrontés aux règles propres à la préservation de la propriété et à la protection de l’environnement. Bien que leurs finalités diffèrent radicalement, le droit spontané contribue à la réalisation des objectifs du droit de l’environnement dans la mesure où il participe à une gestion équilibrée et durable de la ressource en eau. Le renouvellement des formes juridiques des règles traditionnelles permet ainsi d’envisager la coexistence de ces deux ordres normatifs sur certains territoires ruraux dans la perspective de consacrer un pluralisme juridique. / Water is a fundamental natural element in the formation of human communities that have gathered around it. These water societies are organized according to the resource that bases the legal links between their members. We notice the existence of an ecological solidarity that binds people together and leads to the emergence of rules of law based on the practices implemented within these communities. Generally referred to as customs, these rules are spontaneous because their promoters are also the receivers, and are transmitted on the scale of an identified group that ensures their sustainability. The uses of water then designate both the uses that are made of the resource, and the rules of law they induce. The generalization of a common law with a unifying purpose of the French legal system leads to the marginalization of the existence of traditional systems of law. However, some rural areas still apply spontaneous and customary rules for the exploitation of water resources for irrigation or fish farming purposes. Customary law and the common law that applies to water seem to be opposed. These uses are then confronted with the rules dedicated to the protection of property rights and the environmental preservation. Although their purposes differ radically, the spontaneous right contributes to the achievement of the objectives of environmental law insofar as it contributes to a balanced and sustainable management of the water resource. The renewal of the legal forms of the traditional rules makes it possible to envisage the coexistence of these two normative orders on certain rural territories in the perspective of devoting a legal pluralism.

Thesis (Ph.D. Commerce (Accounting)) -- University of Limpopo, 2021 / Despite South Africa's progress towards increasing investments in water management (IWM), water services delivery challenges (WSDCs) are prevalent. However, this further proves that focusing on only increasing (IWM) without addressing sustainability practices is not the only lasting solution. Therefore, the study examined the relationship between Sustainable Water Infrastructure (SWI) factors and IWM in South African metropolitan municipalities (SAMMs) to explore an alternative way of dealing with WSDCs. The study considered 278 municipalities in South Africa as the population. Furthermore, the study purposively selected eight (8) SAMMs, and employed quantitative content analysis to collect secondary data (2009 to 2019) from the various internet-based data sources. The data analysis procedure involved multivariate regression analysis through which Ordinary Least Squares and Feasible Generalised Least Squares produced results for the study. The study results suggest that only environmental management practices have had a positive but insignificant effect on IWM, whereas social, governance and economic factors have adversely and insignificantly influenced IWM. Overall, the relationship between SWI factors and IWM in SAMMs has turned out to be neutral. The results further expose the metropolitan councils' lack of proactive strategies to deal with the SWI factors that impede progressive efforts towards addressing an underinvestment gap and the worsening WSDCs. Since the study pioneered in the water management narrative, it has initiated new approaches to addressing WSDCs in the South African context. The study results present important implications for water service authorities and policymakers in South Africa as the narrative concerning the development of sustainable cities continues to gain momentum in urban development discourses. The study further recommends that SAMMs adhere to guidelines proposed in the framework to ensure that created investment opportunities due to good SEGE practices can enhance IWM. Lastly, further studies in this field of study are fundamental in exploring various approaches to addressing WSDCs. / Mpumalanga Department of Education (MDE)

International water law has been unable to translate its principles into effective institutions for the management of shared water resources. National interest has often override any real commitment to the principles of international water law as reflected by the draft Articles of the ILC. Based on the theory of sovereignty, it emphasises a discretionary power to co-operate. However, the community of interest's theory is rather recommended as basis for co-operation. The draft Articles does not take sufficient account of the role domestic water policies, international relations and economics play in the co-operation of states. An integrated approach that considers social and economic effects within an environmental context is proposetL The political economy of water includes the potential of 'virtual water' through the importation of staple grains. A holistic approach, taking global trade in agriculture into account, is recommended. The SADC countries should also consider the potential of regional trade in 'virtual water'. / Law / LL. M. (Law)

L’eau a longtemps été considérée comme une ressource commune non susceptible d’appropriation et accessible à tous. De nos jours, toutefois, face à l’inégale répartition de l’eau sur la planète, à l’augmentation constante de la population et à la multiplication des usages qui entraînent la surexploitation et la pollution des ressources hydriques, l’eau prend une valeur nouvelle. L’eau devient de plus en plus un enjeu stratégique, politique et commercial. En conséquence, la redéfinition du statut juridique de l’eau devient un objet de débat important. Ce débat est avant tout un débat rhétorique et une « bataille » idéologique entre des groupes qui soutiennent différentes approches et qui cherchent à obtenir le monopole de la nouvelle réalité et créer ainsi le nouveau droit. Deux grandes approches s’affrontent pour redéfinir la ressource. La première, celle qui envisage l’eau comme un bien économique, soutient que pour éviter les problèmes de gaspillage et de pollution, l’eau doit être soumise aux lois de l’offre et de la demande. La deuxième, celle qui considère l’eau comme une chose commune, non appropriable et hors commerce, soutient que la valeur d’une ressource aussi vitale que l’eau ne peut être établie par les lois du marché puisque cette alternative ne permet pas d’assurer l’accès à l’eau aux plus démunis de la société. Cette approche prône également la reconnaissance d’un droit humain à l’eau. Notre thèse tente de déterminer comment s’effectue le choix du statut juridique de l’eau, et ce, tant au Québec qu’au Mexique. Notre question de recherche est traitée selon une perspective constructiviste en vertu de laquelle le statut juridique de l’eau serait une réalité « construite » et le nouveau droit serait le résultat des luttes, des oppositions et des compromis entre les acteurs sociaux impliqués. Notre terrain d’étude est le Québec et le Mexique. En effet, ce sont des territoires intégrés économiquement par le biais de l’ALENA où l’on observe des variations importantes en termes de ressources, de prélèvements et de consommation. Au Québec, nous analysons le débat qui a eu lieu lors de la Consultation sur la gestion de l’eau au Québec (1999), notamment les discours concernant le statut de l’eau, la gestion publique/privée des services d’eau et l’exportation en vrac de la ressource. Au Mexique, nous analysons les représentations des acteurs sociaux à l’occasion de l’adoption de la Loi des eaux nationales de 1992, notamment les questions qui comportent un lien étroit avec la symbolique de l’eau. Or, nous avons remarqué que le résultat de ces constructions sociales au sein de ces territoires est complètement différent. Au Québec, on a confirmé le statut de l’eau en tant que chose commune, tandis qu’au Mexique, c’est plutôt la symbolique de l’eau en tant que bien économique qui a été adoptée dans la nouvelle législation portant sur l’eau. / Water has been considered for a long time as a common good not susceptible to appropriation and accessible to all. Nowadays, however, in front of the uneven distribution of water on the planet, the constant increase of the population and the increase of water uses which pulls the overexploitation and the pollution of water resources, water takes a new value. Indeed, it becomes more and more a strategic, political and commercial issue. Consequently, the redefining of legal status of water becomes an important object of debate. This is above all a rhetoric debate and an ideological "battle" between groups who support different approaches. Indeed, these ideologies are the fruit of different speeches conceived by social actors who have contrary interests and ideologies and that aim at having the monopoly of the new reality and creating the new law. There are two important approaches which are in confrontation. The first one, conceive water as an economic good, and considers that to avoid problems of wasting and pollution, water must be subjected to the laws of supply and demand. The second conceive water as a common good and supports that the value of a resource so vital as water cannot be established by the laws of the market, because this alternative does not allow to assure access to water to the most deprived of the society. This approach advocates the recognition of water as a human right. Our thesis aims at finding how the choice of the legal status of water is made in Quebec and in Mexico. This question will be treated according to a constructivist perspective according to which the legal status of water would be a "constructed" reality and, thus, the new law would be the result of fights, oppositions and also, compromises between the involved social actors. Our analysis covers Quebec and Mexico. In fact, those are territories economically integrated by NAFTA where we observe important variations in terms of resources, uses and consumption of water. In Quebec, we analyze the representations of different actors during the Consultation on Water Management held in 1999, and more particularly the speeches concerning the status of water, the privatization of water services and the bulk water exports. In Mexico, we analyze the representations of social actors surrounding the adoption of the National Water Law of 1992, and more particularly the questions concerning the symbolism of water. Now, we found that the result of these constructions within these territories is completely different. In Quebec, the status of water as a common good has been confirmed, whereas in Mexico, it is rather the symbolism of water as an economic good which was adopted in the new Mexican legislation. / El agua ha sido considerada por mucho tiempo como un bien común inapropiable y de libre acceso. No obstante, frente al aumento constante de la población, a la multiplicación de los diversos usos que provocan la sobreexplotación y a la contaminación de los recursos hídricos, el agua retoma un valor nuevo. Ésta es considerada cada vez más como un recurso estratégico, político y comercial. El tema de la redefinición del estatus jurídico del agua o su calificación jurídica es cada vez más importante en los debates que conciernen al manejo del agua. Al respecto, hay dos grandes enfoques que se enfrentan: el primero considera el agua como un bien económico y sostiene que para evitar los problemas de despilfarro y de contaminación, el agua debe estar sometida a las leyes de la oferta y la demanda. El segundo considera el agua como un bien común, inapropiable y fuera de comercio, este enfoque sostiene que el valor de un recurso tan vital como el agua, no puede ser establecido por las leyes del mercado ya que esta alternativa no permite asegurar el acceso al agua a los menos favorecidos de la sociedad. Este enfoque también preconiza el reconocimiento de un derecho humano al agua. Nuestra tesis pretende identificar cómo se efectúa la elección del estatus jurídico del agua, tanto en Québec como en México. Nuestra investigación tomara una perspectiva constructivista en virtud de la cual consideramos que la calificación jurídica del agua es una realidad "construida". El nuevo derecho corresponderá a las luchas, oposiciones y compromisos entre los actores sociales implicados. Tomamos como campo de investigación Québec (Canada) y México, territorios integrados económicamente por el Tratado de Libre Comercio de América del Norte (TLCAN) donde se observa variaciones importantes en términos de recursos, de usos y de consumos. En Quebec, analizamos las representaciones de los actores sociales que participaron a la consulta pública sobre la gestión del agua que tuvo lugar en (1999), más particularmente los discursos que hacen referencia a la calificación jurídica del agua, al manejo público o privado de los servicios de agua y a la exportación del recurso a grande escala. En México, analizamos los discursos de los actores sociales que hubieran podido tener alguna incidencia en el contenido de la Ley de aguas nacionales de 1992. Observaremos que el resultado de estas construcciones sociales, al interior de estos Estados es completamente diferente: en Québec, se confirmará que el agua es un bien común, mientras que en México la Ley de aguas nacionales hace de ella un bien económico.

This PhD thesis, after a brief introductory historical exposé of water use (not only) in our territory and related sources of law focuses on decision making and processes in water use in contemporary Czech legislation. The topic is divided into three blocks, relating to integrated water management procedures, a general measure of water law and other acts pursuant to the Water Act. The introduction precedes the chapter on system of water authorities, which are crucially involved in the exercise of state administration under the Water Act. PhD thesis points to the split competence of the four central ministries (agriculture, environment, transport, defense) as a central water authorities and the other "residual" powers of municipal authorities of municipalities with extended powers as water authorities. The chapter on water management offices is also engaged in the scope of municipal and regional authorities and military domains office, as well as the recently canceled water authorities in charge of municipal authorities. The water management is the administrative proceedings on matters within the Water Act. Administrative bodies (mostly water authorities) there follow the Administrative Code, or in the case of water works and water management arrangements of the Building Act, if the Water Act, which...

From the Proceedings of the 1971 Meetings of the Arizona Section - American Water Resources Assn. and the Hydrology Section - Arizona Academy of Science - April 22-23, 1971, Tempe, Arizona / The Colorado River is the only major stream in the U.S. whose water supply is fully utilized. This distinction has brought the Colorado more than its share of controversy, within states, between states and between nations. The Colorado River compact, whose purpose was to equitably apportion the waters between the upper and lower basins and to provide protection for the upper basin through water reservation, was ratified by all states except Arizona, in 1923. Arizona finally ratified it in 1944. The history of controversies and negotiation concerning the compact are outlined through the supreme court decision on march 9, 1964, which entitled California to 4.4 maf, Nevada to 0.3 maf and Arizona to 2.8 maf, of the first 7.5 maf available in the lower Colorado. Unfortunately, the court did not attempt to establish priorities in the event of shortage. The problem is complicated by an international treaty of 1944, guaranteeing Mexico 1.5 maf annually, except in years of unusual circumstances. Because Senator Connally of Texas was then chairman of the senate foreign relations committee and because the treaty allocated twice as much Colorado River water to Mexico as it was then using, it was argued that this treaty represented a tradeoff to Mexico, giving it less water from the Rio Grande in exchange for more water from the overburdened Colorado. Problems of inter-basin water transfer studies, uniform Colorado basin water quality standards and central Arizona project planning are discussed.

From the Proceedings of the 1971 Meetings of the Arizona Section - American Water Resources Assn. and the Hydrology Section - Arizona Academy of Science - April 22-23, 1971, Tempe, Arizona / Southwestern rivers are few in numbers and low in discharge. The physiographic and climatic reasons for this are discussed. To the east of the 100th meridian, rainfall is reliable and agriculture is stable; while to the west, there is a chronic deficit of water, droughts are frequent and lifestyles must be accordingly adjusted. Dam building results in greatly increased silting behind the dam in both the river and its tributaries and accelerated channel erosion below the dam. Total flow must also decrease due to withdrawals and increased evaporation from reservoirs. The correction of apparent errors in measuring the virgin flow of the Colorado River now indicates that this flow is about 15 maf/yr. Current legal allocations total 17.5 maf/yr of river water, including the central Arizona project (cap), which will withdraw 1.2 maf/yr. While the river is being dammed and overallocated beyond all reason, the water table is being mined at the alarming rate of 20 ft/yr. In central Arizona, it has dropped to about 250 ft below the surface, and even if all withdrawals ceased immediately, it would take many centuries of of desert rains before it would return to its former level of 50 ft. The cap water will cancel only about 1/2 of this overdraft annually. A glance at the phoenix area today shows that rain follows neither the farmers plow nor the subdividers bulldozer.

From the Proceedings of the 1974 Meetings of the Arizona Section - American Water Resources Assn. and the Hydrology Section - Arizona Academy of Science - April 19-20, 1974, Flagstaff, Arizona / The doctrine of prior appropriation used in the arid western states has encouraged rapid exploitation of our natural water resources. Those who beneficially used the water first, regardless of type of use or efficiency, obtained a perpetual right to always be first. As frontiers for exploiting our natural resources shrink, the Appropriation Doctrine is changing under the stresses of the 1970's. Our water allocations system is changing as new water -use priorities emerge along with changing quality standards. Government at all levels, along with planners and engineers, must understand the institutional and legal constraints put on water development by our historic water rights system so that intelligent decisions can be made in developing and maintaining our natural water resources.

L’eau a longtemps été considérée comme une ressource commune non susceptible d’appropriation et accessible à tous. De nos jours, toutefois, face à l’inégale répartition de l’eau sur la planète, à l’augmentation constante de la population et à la multiplication des usages qui entraînent la surexploitation et la pollution des ressources hydriques, l’eau prend une valeur nouvelle. L’eau devient de plus en plus un enjeu stratégique, politique et commercial. En conséquence, la redéfinition du statut juridique de l’eau devient un objet de débat important. Ce débat est avant tout un débat rhétorique et une « bataille » idéologique entre des groupes qui soutiennent différentes approches et qui cherchent à obtenir le monopole de la nouvelle réalité et créer ainsi le nouveau droit. Deux grandes approches s’affrontent pour redéfinir la ressource. La première, celle qui envisage l’eau comme un bien économique, soutient que pour éviter les problèmes de gaspillage et de pollution, l’eau doit être soumise aux lois de l’offre et de la demande. La deuxième, celle qui considère l’eau comme une chose commune, non appropriable et hors commerce, soutient que la valeur d’une ressource aussi vitale que l’eau ne peut être établie par les lois du marché puisque cette alternative ne permet pas d’assurer l’accès à l’eau aux plus démunis de la société. Cette approche prône également la reconnaissance d’un droit humain à l’eau. Notre thèse tente de déterminer comment s’effectue le choix du statut juridique de l’eau, et ce, tant au Québec qu’au Mexique. Notre question de recherche est traitée selon une perspective constructiviste en vertu de laquelle le statut juridique de l’eau serait une réalité « construite » et le nouveau droit serait le résultat des luttes, des oppositions et des compromis entre les acteurs sociaux impliqués. Notre terrain d’étude est le Québec et le Mexique. En effet, ce sont des territoires intégrés économiquement par le biais de l’ALENA où l’on observe des variations importantes en termes de ressources, de prélèvements et de consommation. Au Québec, nous analysons le débat qui a eu lieu lors de la Consultation sur la gestion de l’eau au Québec (1999), notamment les discours concernant le statut de l’eau, la gestion publique/privée des services d’eau et l’exportation en vrac de la ressource. Au Mexique, nous analysons les représentations des acteurs sociaux à l’occasion de l’adoption de la Loi des eaux nationales de 1992, notamment les questions qui comportent un lien étroit avec la symbolique de l’eau. Or, nous avons remarqué que le résultat de ces constructions sociales au sein de ces territoires est complètement différent. Au Québec, on a confirmé le statut de l’eau en tant que chose commune, tandis qu’au Mexique, c’est plutôt la symbolique de l’eau en tant que bien économique qui a été adoptée dans la nouvelle législation portant sur l’eau. / Water has been considered for a long time as a common good not susceptible to appropriation and accessible to all. Nowadays, however, in front of the uneven distribution of water on the planet, the constant increase of the population and the increase of water uses which pulls the overexploitation and the pollution of water resources, water takes a new value. Indeed, it becomes more and more a strategic, political and commercial issue. Consequently, the redefining of legal status of water becomes an important object of debate. This is above all a rhetoric debate and an ideological "battle" between groups who support different approaches. Indeed, these ideologies are the fruit of different speeches conceived by social actors who have contrary interests and ideologies and that aim at having the monopoly of the new reality and creating the new law. There are two important approaches which are in confrontation. The first one, conceive water as an economic good, and considers that to avoid problems of wasting and pollution, water must be subjected to the laws of supply and demand. The second conceive water as a common good and supports that the value of a resource so vital as water cannot be established by the laws of the market, because this alternative does not allow to assure access to water to the most deprived of the society. This approach advocates the recognition of water as a human right. Our thesis aims at finding how the choice of the legal status of water is made in Quebec and in Mexico. This question will be treated according to a constructivist perspective according to which the legal status of water would be a "constructed" reality and, thus, the new law would be the result of fights, oppositions and also, compromises between the involved social actors. Our analysis covers Quebec and Mexico. In fact, those are territories economically integrated by NAFTA where we observe important variations in terms of resources, uses and consumption of water. In Quebec, we analyze the representations of different actors during the Consultation on Water Management held in 1999, and more particularly the speeches concerning the status of water, the privatization of water services and the bulk water exports. In Mexico, we analyze the representations of social actors surrounding the adoption of the National Water Law of 1992, and more particularly the questions concerning the symbolism of water. Now, we found that the result of these constructions within these territories is completely different. In Quebec, the status of water as a common good has been confirmed, whereas in Mexico, it is rather the symbolism of water as an economic good which was adopted in the new Mexican legislation. / El agua ha sido considerada por mucho tiempo como un bien común inapropiable y de libre acceso. No obstante, frente al aumento constante de la población, a la multiplicación de los diversos usos que provocan la sobreexplotación y a la contaminación de los recursos hídricos, el agua retoma un valor nuevo. Ésta es considerada cada vez más como un recurso estratégico, político y comercial. El tema de la redefinición del estatus jurídico del agua o su calificación jurídica es cada vez más importante en los debates que conciernen al manejo del agua. Al respecto, hay dos grandes enfoques que se enfrentan: el primero considera el agua como un bien económico y sostiene que para evitar los problemas de despilfarro y de contaminación, el agua debe estar sometida a las leyes de la oferta y la demanda. El segundo considera el agua como un bien común, inapropiable y fuera de comercio, este enfoque sostiene que el valor de un recurso tan vital como el agua, no puede ser establecido por las leyes del mercado ya que esta alternativa no permite asegurar el acceso al agua a los menos favorecidos de la sociedad. Este enfoque también preconiza el reconocimiento de un derecho humano al agua. Nuestra tesis pretende identificar cómo se efectúa la elección del estatus jurídico del agua, tanto en Québec como en México. Nuestra investigación tomara una perspectiva constructivista en virtud de la cual consideramos que la calificación jurídica del agua es una realidad "construida". El nuevo derecho corresponderá a las luchas, oposiciones y compromisos entre los actores sociales implicados. Tomamos como campo de investigación Québec (Canada) y México, territorios integrados económicamente por el Tratado de Libre Comercio de América del Norte (TLCAN) donde se observa variaciones importantes en términos de recursos, de usos y de consumos. En Quebec, analizamos las representaciones de los actores sociales que participaron a la consulta pública sobre la gestión del agua que tuvo lugar en (1999), más particularmente los discursos que hacen referencia a la calificación jurídica del agua, al manejo público o privado de los servicios de agua y a la exportación del recurso a grande escala. En México, analizamos los discursos de los actores sociales que hubieran podido tener alguna incidencia en el contenido de la Ley de aguas nacionales de 1992. Observaremos que el resultado de estas construcciones sociales, al interior de estos Estados es completamente diferente: en Québec, se confirmará que el agua es un bien común, mientras que en México la Ley de aguas nacionales hace de ella un bien económico.

Irrigation farmers in the Lower Orange (Kakamas and Boegoeberg) and Lower Crocodile rivers (between Nelspruit and Komatipoort) areas in South Africa were surveyed during October 2003 in order to study whether water marketing has promoted efficiency in water use. This study is a follow-up on research undertaken by Armitage (1999) in the Lower Orange River area and Bate et al. (1999) in the Lower Crocodile River area. Factors associated with future investment in irrigation farming were also studied in the Lower Orange River Irrigation Scheme. Econometric procedures used included principal component analysis, and logit and ridge regression. Results from the two areas will be discussed separately. Econometric results for the Lower Orange River farmers indicate that purchasers of water rights produce lucrative export grapes and horticultural crops with relatively less raisin, wine or juice grapes and less field crops; are more specialised in production (table grapes); have more livestock (probably liquidity factor) and have a less negative view of the five-year water license review period. The water market has facilitated a transfer of water use from relatively lower value crops to relatively higher value crops, and also promoted the use of more advanced irrigation technology. An investment model using Ridge Regression indicates that the following variables are associated with increased future investment in irrigation farming; higher expected profitability and lower levels of risk perception and risk aversion (Arrow/Pratt). Results confirm that farmers who are more risk averse are likely to invest less in the future as can be expected from theory. Policies that increase risk in agriculture will have a significant negative effect on future investment in irrigation. What is significant from the results is that irrigation farmers in the Lower Orange River area are highly risk averse (down-side). Results also show that farmers who feel that water licenses are not secure expect to invest less in the future. The latter effect is thus amplified, as farmers appear to be highly risk averse. This has important policy implications, and measures should be taken to improve the perceived security of water licenses. This could be achieved by keeping farmers more informed about the practical implications of the New Water Act (NWA) (Act 36 of1998) and, specifically, water licenses. In the Lower Crocodile River area, almost all the water trades (permanent and rentals) observed in this study were from farmers above the gorge to farmers below the gorge. It is concluded that in the transfer of water some attributes in the purchasing area such as lower production risk (sugar cane) and lower financial risk and better cash flow (bananas and sugar cane) were more important than the expected income per cubic meter of water. Water supply in this area is highly irregular, while sampled farmers were again found to be extremely risk averse especially as far as down-side risk is concerned. The average water price in this area in recent years (2002 to 2003) was between R2000 and R3000 per ha (l ha = 8000 cubic meters). Buyers have large farms and are progressive farmers that purchase (and rent) from many sellers (or lessors). It is concluded that information on water transfers (sale prices and rents) is asymmetrical. Few permanent transfers have taken place in the Crocodile River in recent years. It is concluded that there are reasons why transfers at present are not processed, such as excess demand for water (due to the irregular flow of the Crocodile River, and role players should discuss these reasons and possible solutions before further action is taken. / Thesis (M.Sc.Agric.)- University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2004.