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Chronic exhaustion is a consequence of detrimental working conditions and demands, as well as inadequate coping techniques, potentially resulting in burnout. Previous research has studied occupational environment and individual factors as predictors of exhaustion. Although these differ between former East and West German states, the regional distinction regarding exhaustion has been neglected. To fill this gap, we used the Copenhagen Burnout Inventory in a representative German sample from 2014 to assess the burnout symptom exhaustion. Estimating ordinary least squares regressions, important burnout predictors were compared between the former East and West German states. Regional differences concerning occupational environments were related to the associations between individual factors, situational aspects of technostress and exhaustion. Associations between individual factors (e.g., female sex, lower working hours, age, partnership status, and household income) and exhaustion were stronger in East Germany, whereas technostress (strain of internet use, number of e-mails during leisure time, and social pressure to be constantly available) was more strongly associated with exhaustion in West Germany. Despite lower financial gratification and a higher social pressure to be constantly available in the East, West Germans were more afflicted by exhaustion. Individual factors and technostress should thus be considered when focusing on job-related mental health issues.

Thesis advisor: Devin O. Pendas / This dissertation assesses the Vietnam War’s effect on the Federal Republic of Germany (West Germany) and its relationship with the United States in the 1960s. In the name of alliance solidarity, the West German government provided economic, technical, and humanitarian assistance to South Vietnam. The Federal Republic would have quietly continued this support and thought little more about Vietnam if not for President Lyndon B. Johnson’s mounting demands that Bonn share more of the burden of the defense of the so-called “Free World.” In the most dramatic example of this effort, Johnson and his advisers attempted in late 1965 to pressure Chancellor Ludwig Erhard into sending West German support troops to Vietnam. Erhard ruled out sending military personnel, but the episode – combined with a series of foreign policy and economic failures – led to his resignation in November 1966. At the heart of this setback in West German-U.S. relations was a dispute over the Federal Republic’s place in the world. West German leaders largely agreed that it was only a matter of time before the Federal Republic got out from under the shadow of the Third Reich and returned to the world stage, but they disagreed about how this goal could best be achieved. By comparison, the Johnson administration had a clear vision for the Federal Republic’s return to the world stage. Looking to co-opt German economic power to maintain American hegemony around the world, Johnson expected Bonn to play the role of America’s junior partner. Although Erhard proved incapable of filling the role intended by Johnson, he helped to establish the Federal Republic’s characteristic political culture, combining military reluctance with a strong preference for economic stability. After Erhard’s resignation, Chancellor Kurt Georg Kiesinger and his Vice-Chancellor, Willy Brandt, established a genuine and productive partnership with the United States, even as they made the limits of their solidarity clear. Like the government, West German civil society struggled to come to terms with the Federal Republic’s evolving place in the world. This dissertation shows that "regular" Germans' grappling with the Vietnam War was linked to their attempt to define the Federal Republic’s place in the world and, perhaps even, early efforts to come to terms with their collective responsibility for the Holocaust and other Nazi crimes. For the German Red Cross, the West German Catholic and Protestant churches, and private "pacifist" organizations like Hilfsaktion Vietnam, humanitarianism and human rights was an important outlet for this endeavor. The West German government, for its part, learned that it could employ the language of humanitarianism and human rights to distance itself from the most controversial or morally dubious parts of American foreign policy without sacrificing its formal alliance with the United States. In the late 1960s, then, government pragmatism, civil society interests, and public (moral) outrage converged to bring humanitarianism and human rights to the forefront of the Federal Republic of Germany. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2024. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: History.

Die institutionelle Form der Erwerbsarbeit befindet sich in einem ständigen Wandel. Sichtbarer Ausdruck dessen ist die in allen Industrienationen gesteigerte Formenvielfalt der Erwerbsarbeit. Seit den achtziger Jahren wird dabei in der Bundesrepublik eine Erosion des Normalarbeitsverhältnisses, ein Ende beruflicher Kontinuität und das Schwinden der Beruflichkeit als ökonomisches und soziales Ordnungsprinzip konstatiert. Anknüpfend an diese Diskussion wird gezeigt werden, welche Beschäftigungsmuster west- und ostdeutsche Unternehmen heute präferieren. Im Folgenden werden nach einer kurzen Einführung in die Fragestellung, in Arbeitsmarkttheorien und den Untersuchungsaufbau die Ergebnisse der Untersuchung in drei Schritten vorgestellt. In einem ersten Schritt wird die betriebliche Übergangspolitik anhand von betrieblichen Ein- und Ausstiegen untersucht. Nachfolgend wird der betriebliche Altersaufbau als Resultat betrieblicher Übergangspolitik dargestellt. Abschließend werden zwei Typen betrieblicher Übergangspolitiken vorgestellt und in ihren Folgewirkungen analysiert.

Studies of political culture have often focused on the impact of political institutions on political culture in a society. The scientific community has accepted the position that institutions shape beliefs and attitudes among the citizens towards the system they live in. This study tests this hypothesis by using survey data collected during the fall of 1990 in the United States, Great Britain, Italy, West, and East Germany.

Thesis (doctoral)--Universität, München, 2003. / Includes bibliographical references (p. [271]-294) and index.

Thesis (doctoral) - Universität, Hannover, 2006. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 308-349).

Thesis (doctoral)--Universität, Frankfurt. / Includes bibliographical references.

Originally presented as the author's Thesis (doctoral--Universität Duisburg-Essen, 2004) under the title: Das Amerika-Bild der Westdeutschen in der Zeit des Ost-West-Konfliktes im Spiegel der Wahlkampfkommentierung ausgewählter Tageszeitungen des Ruhrgebietes in den Jahren 1948 bis 1992. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 273-317).

In 1955, barely ten years after the end of the most devastating war in Modern German history, a new German military was established in the Federal Republic, the Bundeswehr. In order properly fill the ranks of this new military the government, under the leadership of Konrad Adenauer, believed that it would have to draft men from the West German population into military service. For the government in Bonn conscription was a double-edged sword, it would not only ensure that the Bundeswehr would receive the required number of recruits but it was also believed that conscription would guarantee that the Bundeswehr would be more democratic and therefore in tune with the policies of the new West German state. What this study seeks to explore is what the West German population thought of conscription. It will investigate who was for or against the draft and seek to determine the various socioeconomic factors that contributed to these decisions. Furthermore this study will examine the effect that the public opinion had on federal policy.