This master's thesis is aimed at the communication of Czechoslovak countrymen living in the Federal Republic of Germany (former West Germany) and Austria with Czechoslovakia during 1947 - 1967. The aim of the thesis is to find out how they've remained in contact with their homeland during the communist regime. The research is based on the study of the archival materials resulting from the activities of the Czechoslovak Foreign Institute, the institution which has been concerned with life of our countrymen until now. This thesis mainly analyses the contents and structure of the countrymen's correspondence with the institution as well as it describes the character and duration of the countrymen's visits to the homeland. The final part of the thesis is dedicated to analysing various forms and realizations of Czechoslovak former regime's ideological influence on the countrymen enforced by the Czechoslovak Foreign Institute as well as other institutions, like the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, since none of the communication of Czechoslovak offices with the emigrants was free of ideological propaganda. For countrymen had contact with homeland, whether in the form of correspondence or personal visits a great importance. Key words: countrymen, FRD (West Germany), Austria, Czechoslovak Foreign Institute,...

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Germany is presently transforming into a modern immigration state, leaving behind its image of a “guest worker” country. Parallely, it is confronted with growing religious plurality and rising religious conflicts. Moreover, religious labeling of groups other than the Christian or undenominational majority population becomes more significant. Against this background, the paper discusses the views of the population in Germany towards religious plurality, practices of religious minorities as well as attitudes towards members of different religious groups. The results reveal a considerable amount of negative attitudes towards foreign religious groups in Germany. More specifically, Islam and Muslims are mostly viewed as negative by the German population. Structural equation models with manifest variables show that, in particular, the frequency of contacts have positive impacts on attitudes towards people of different religious affiliations.

This thesis examines the opposition to civil nuclear energy in France and West Germany during the 1970s, arguing that small-scale interactions among its diverse participants led to broad changes in their personal lives and political environments. Drawing extensively on oral history interviews with former activists as well as police reports, media coverage and protest ephemera, this thesis shows how individuals at the grassroots built up a movement that transcended national (and social) borders. They were able to do so in part because nuclear power was such a multivalent symbol at the time. Residents of towns near planned power stations felt that nuclear technology represented an intervention in their community by state and industry, a potential threat to their health, wealth and way of life. In the decade after 1968, concerns like these coalesced with criticisms of capitalism, the state, militarism and consumer society that were being made by a more politicised constituency. This made the anti-nuclear movement both broad-based and highly fragmented. Activist networks linked people across existing national, political and social boundaries, but the social world of activism was subject to its own divisions (such as between locals and outsiders or between militant and non-violent activists). By analysing both the transnational dimensions and internal divisions of the anti-nuclear movement, this thesis revises the homogenising concepts of social movements that are prevalent in much of the existing sociological and political science literature. At the same time, it situates the anti-nuclear movement historically within the decade of upheaval that was the 1970s, while moving individual activists from the margins to the centre of protest history.

D’où vient « le mur dans les têtes » des Allemands en 1989 ? Que signifient les stéréotypes Besserwessi / Jammerossi ? Quelles sont les représentations et les identités en R.D.A. et en R.F.A. ? Existe-t-il deux identités allemandes différentes ? Avec un corpus de 312 exemplaires de Der Spiegel et de la Neue Berliner Illustrierte, cette thèse étudie la dimension sémantique des stéréotypes, elle analyse les représentations en R.F.A. et en R.D.A. et définit une double identité allemande. L’année 1989 provoque une crise identitaire et langagière que nous étudions à l’aide de sondages, d’ouvrages, de caricatures et de journaux. La guerre froide, la manipulation du discours et un contexte économique déstabilisant font naître dès 1949 des stéréotypes qui s’intensifient en 1961 et s’accumulent en 1989. Ils se transforment du stéréotype de la revendication de représenter l’Allemagne dans son ensemble (1949) en celui de la grande famille socialiste (R.D.A.) et de la grande famille américaine (R.F.A.) en 1961 et en celui de la pérennité étatique (R.D.A.) et de la terra incognita (R.F.A.) en 1989. Les stéréotypes se diffusent avec des images et un vocabulaire de la consommation et de l’individualisme en R.F.A. et de la solidarité en R.D.A. L’identité est-allemande est une identité collective, solidaire et uniforme et l’identité ouest-allemande est une identité de plaisir, de liberté, d’esprit de compétitivité et d’individualisme. Avec une perspective de recherche pluridisciplinaire, comparative et transnationale, ce travail s’insère dans les champs des recherches historiques et linguistiques et s’appuie sur l’histoire comparée, l’analyse du discours et de l’image. L’enjeu identitaire est relié aux stéréotypes et aux représentations qui sont les faces visibles des stéréotypes. Cette thèse étudie aussi les lieux de mémoire textuels, culinaires, culturels, politiques et économiques est-allemands et ouest-allemands en se basant sur les travaux de Walter Lippmann, Ruth Amossy, Pierre Nora, Etienne François, Hagen Schulze, Pierre Moscovici, Christian Delporte, Dominique Maingueneau, Laurent Gervereau, Heinz Gerhard Haupt, Henri Ménudier, Sandrine Kott, Alain Lattard. C’est ce qui nous permet d’analyser les discours d’hommes politiques et de journalistes comme Helmut Kohl, Ludwig Erhard, Konrad Adenauer, Walter Ulbricht, Rudolf Augstein, Rudolf Hernnstadt et Lilly Becher. / What is the origin of the « wall in the minds » between East-germans and West-germans in 1989 ? What is the significance of the stereotypes Besserwessi / Jammerossi ? Do we have two german identities ? Based on a corpus of 312 exemplars of Der Spiegel and Neue Berliner Illustrierte, this thesis analyses the relationship between GDR and West Germany during the cold war. It presents the social representations and defines a double german identity. In 1989, we have a crisis in german language and identity illustrated by soundings, literature, caricatures and stereotypes. Cold war, political speech and destabilizing aspects of 1989 push up stereotypes since 1949. In 1961 they grow up and in 1989 they are on the top. They transform themselves from the stereotype of sole and exclusive representation (1949) to the stereotype of the big socialiste family (GDR) and the big west family (West Germany) in 1961 and to the stereotype of endurance (GDR) and terra incognita (West Germany) in 1989. Stereotypes circulate by language, various leitmotiv and a vocabulary of consumption and egoism in West Germany and solidarity in GDR. They are the sign of a temporarily double german identity. Absence of the same identity and language markers bring up gap between Ossis and Wessis. With a interdisciplinary and comparative approach, this thesis takes place in historic and language studies. The innovation is to connect the question of german identity with stereotypes and representations by defining representations as visible faces of stereotypes. This work studies german history, est-german and west-german memory in the second half of the 20th century with the autors and journalistes Walter Lippmann, Ruth Amossy, Pierre Nora, Etienne François, Hagen Schulze, Pierre Moscovici, Christian Delporte, Dominique Maingueneau, Laurent Gervereau, Heinz-Gerhard Haupt, Henri Ménudier, Sandrine Kott, Alain Lattard and Helmut Kohl, Ludwig Erhard, Konrad Adenauer, Walter Ulbricht, Rudolf Augstein, Rudolf Hernnstadt and Lilly Becher.

Texte remanié de : Dissertation : Philosophie : Universität Potsdam : 2001. / Bibliogr. p. 485-503. Index.

Thesis (doctoral)--Universität, Bochum, 2002. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 402-436) and index.

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In the West German federal election of 1983, the Green party won enough votes to earn seats the Bundestag. The young party’s fame grew exponentially as a result and they have become, arguably, the most well-known of all environmental parties. This project explores the formation of the Greens. The Greens’ political identity is reassessed by examining the party’s roots in the new social movements and the formation of the party, regionally and federally. I contend that the Greens represent a political experiment whose establishment as a parliamentary party was never certain. The Greens attempted to integrate “postmaterialist” issues and grassroots organizational forms into the traditional politics of the Federal Republic. This paper also establishes the opportunities available for a new party within the context of the development of the left in post-war West Germany.

Humboldt-Univ., Diss. u.d.T.: Schöller, Oliver: Die Entstehung westdeutscher Großsiedlungen--Berlin, 2003.