This thesis explores the location and nature of the power that is deepening and broadening the revolution in modern biotechnologies, and which is inherent in the global governance of one type of genetic resource — plant genetic resources. Plant genetic resources are of increasing importance within the global political economy and ecology because of the power/knowledge networks contributing to, and responding to developments in the biotechnology sector, and concerned with the rampant erosion of biological diversity. The thesis argues that transnational norms, values and knowledge are important aspects of power. Discursive power, and particularly the power inherent in discourses of sustainable development, security and human rights, are a central focus of the thesis. The thesis challenges realist, neo-realist and other structural analyses of power which focus on relative distributions of power at the level of individual states or at the global level.

Magister Philosophiae - MPhil

Doctor Legum - LLD

Magister Legum - LLM / In this thesis, the study examines the factors that are believed to be instrumental in this trade imbalance between the European Union and the developing world in the agricultural sector. The study focuses on the main reason for the existence of this imbalance which is the continued use of export subsidies by the European Union. The discussion attempts to highlight the inadequacies which exist in the current trade relationship between the European Union and developing nations , in particular South Africa with regard to agricultural produce. / South Africa

Magister Legum - LLM / At the heart of this study is the topic of small economies in the Multilateral Trade System (MTS). The study examines the World Trade Organisation’s (WTO) legal framework and policy objectives in order to develop a comprehensive definition of small economies as a group of WTO members with specific needs. Particular attention is given to the determination of the specific characteristics of small economies, as well as the issues and constraints they are facing in the MTS. The study explores solutions proposed in order to tackle the constraints to the effective integration of small economies in the MTS, with specific reference to the policy reasoning of small economies. More importantly, the study explores the impact of the size factor, which is certainly not only a burden on the growth and development perspectives of the considered entity, but which may also become an advantage and promotes the trade performance of a small economy. Hypotheses are then made relating to the relevance of the economic and political environments in the determination of a successful (or not) integration, and participation, of a small economy in the MTS. A crucial argument developed is that the differences observed between countries sharing similar characteristics of smallness, vulnerability and remoteness/landlockedness, illustrates the fact that what ultimately matters is the interplay of factors related to the economic and political environments, the effect of which is to promote or constrain (depending on the case) successful integration of the small economy in the MTS. / South Africa

Magister Legum - LLM / South Africa

Magister Legum - LLM / South Africa

Magister Legum - LLM / This study examines the legal and policy objectives of the World Trade Organisation (WTO) Agreement on Technical Barriers to Trade (TBT) with specific reference to international standards and the International Organisation for Standardisation (ISO). The study sets out the history and development of the TBT Agreement and the relationship between the TBT Agreement and selected WTO Agreements. The study also explores the application and interpretation of the TBT Agreement under the WTO dispute settlement system. More importantly, the study addresses the legal, policy and practical implications of the TBT Agreement for Least Developed Countries (LDCs) in Africa. A central argument put forward in this study is that, albeit international standards have been recognised as an important tool for LDCs in Africa to gain access to foreign markets, there is no significant ‘political will’ and commitment from the key players in standardisation work, that is, the national governments, the private sector and the ISO. At the same time, some developed and developing countries tend to use their influence and involvement in the activities of the ISO as a means of promoting the use and adoption of their homegrown standards. The study proposes, among others, that a more participatory approach which encompasses representatives from consumer groups, the private sector and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) from these LDCs in Africa, should be adopted

Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2007. / Post-apartheid foreign policy has witnessed a fundamental shift in South African foreign policy objectives and strategies as the country has aimed to move from a pariah to a participant in the international community. Since 1994, South Africa has become an active player in the international system and has assumed an increasingly active role in international organisations. One distinct strand of South African foreign policy which has emerged is a commitment to the use and support of multilateralism. Yet, as the country has become increasingly active in multilateral fora, so too, it is argued, has it been torn between the promotion of its own interests and those of its African peers. At times South Africa is seen to vociferously champion African interests, and at others to sideline the interests of its African partners and the notion of the African Renaissance, in favour of its own interests. Yet, whilst inconsistencies in South African multilateral foreign policy exist, this study argues that overall, South Africa has actively and consciously attempted to establish itself as an African middle power within the international system, and to create a distinct niche for itself as “the voice of Africa” in multilateral fora. Employing a Middle Power approach and utilising the concept of niche-building diplomacy this study investigates first, South Africa’s middle power niche in the international system at large, before, secondly, investigating South Africa’s role at the World Trade Organisation. The study concludes that, while South Africa has continually attempted to establish itself as “the voice of Africa” in a range of multilateral fora and has acted in a manner consistent with this stated objective, it has acted contrary to its established niche at the World Trade Organisation since joining this organisation in 1994. Indeed, this study finds that whereas in other multilateral fora South Africa has acted as the standard-bearer of African interests, in the World Trade Organisation it has acted contrary to African interests time and again. The findings indicate that the Middle Power concept in international relations itself needs to be revisited, that South Africa’s role as a middle power in the international system requires greater investigation, and that further research is required on the roles played by other middle powers at the World Trade Organisation.

<p>This research paper pays particular attention to the EAC because of its unique composition of four LDCs46 and 1 DC47 and the fact that three of these countries are landlocked least developed countries (LLDCs).48 The EAC was notified as a RTA to the WTO under the Enabling Clause on 9 October 2000 and registered as a Custom Union49 under WT/COMTD/N/14.50 The notification of the EAC under the Enabling Clause is due to the nature of composition of members therein and to the fact that the Enabling Clause does not require regional trading arrangements to cover substantially all trade, or to achieve free trade in the bloc within ten years after notification. Additionally, it provides an avenue for giving special consideration to the LDCs through making concessions and contributions,51 allows automatic exemptions from MFN (non-discrimination) treatment in favour of DCs,52 and thus allows other WTO members to accord more favourable treatment to DCs in many cases without according the same treatment to other WTO members.53.</p>