abstract: The presence of language minority students in American schools is a growing phenomenon in present-day times. In the year 2008, almost 11 million school-age children spoke a language other than English at home. Educational language policy is largely influenced by the attitudes that society holds regarding the presence of language minority speakers in the community. One of the sources of these attitudes is the written press. This research aimed at identifying and analyzing the ideologies that newspapers display in connection with language minority speakers. The underlying assumption of the study was that the English language occupies a dominant position in society, thus creating a power struggle in which speakers of other languages are disenfranchised. Using critical theory as the theoretical framework enabled the study to identify and oppose the ideologies that may reproduce and perpetuate social inequalities. The methodological approach used was critical discourse analysis (CDA) which aligns with the main tenets of critical theory, among them the need to uncover hidden ideologies. The analysis of articles from English-language (The Arizona Republic and the East Valley Tribune) and Spanish-language (La Prensa Hispana) newspapers allowed for the identification of the ideologies of the written press in connection to two main hypothetical constructs: education and immigration. The analysis of the results revealed that the three newspapers of the study held specific ideologies on issues related to the education of language minority students and immigration. Whereas the East Valley Tribune showed an overarching ideology connected to the opposition of immigrant students in schools, the hegemonic position of theEnglish language, and a belligerent stance toward the immigrant community, The Arizona Republic showed a favorable attitude to both English Language Learners and immigrants, based on reasons mainly related to the economic interest of the state of Arizona. La Prensa Hispana, on the other hand, showed ideologies favorable to the immigrant community based on humanitarianism. In summary, the results confirm that newspapers hold specific ideologies and that these ideologies are reflected in the content and the manner of their information to the public. / Dissertation/Thesis / Ph.D. Curriculum and Instruction 2012

During the fall of 2017, a campaign named #metoo went viral on Twitter. The purpose of #metoo was to highlight how many that had experiences of sexual harassments and assaults. The campaign did also gain a lot of attention in traditional Swedish media. By looking at #metoo in Swedish printed media during the month of November in 2017, I have examined how the concept of sexual violence have been articulated, negotiated and represented. Sexual violence is a matter that has been important for both feminist scholars and activists for a long time, both from a theoretical and material perspective. Guided by a critical discourse analysis and a feminist poststructural approach, I have looked at sexual violence as a phenomenon that is discursively made and therefore, also non-stable and always up for negotiation depending on the specific time, place and context it is produced in. In my material, I have found three themes, boundaries, institutionalisation and tensions. They all, in different ways, support that by providing a picture of sexual violence as a fluid concept without clear boundaries, a tendency to turn all the issues of sexual harassments into a failure of the employer liability and the working environment. Also, by providing a picture of a colliding word view of sexual violence as both a brand new phenomenon in Sweden (especially related to immigration) and something that has always been a reality in many people’s life.

The purpose of this study is to explore the expressions of a commercialising fashion journalistic genre by focusing on how ELLE.se, Sweden’s biggest online fashion platform, use advertorials and click-based content. This is investigated through three research questions focusing on what journalistic and marketing discourses that are apparent in advertorials and click-based material; what blend of genres that are seen in different kinds of text commercial on ELLE.se and what discursive conflicts between journalistic ideals and commercial pressure are seen in the production of advertorial content. Theories used in the study are marketisation of public discourse together with Fairclough’s Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), the commercialisation of news and lastly genres, also focusing on fashion journalism as a genre. In order to explore the expressions a discursive analysis is used on advertorials and click- based material on ELLE.se whilst qualitative interviews with respondents producing the content are conducted to investigate the third research question. The results of the study show that numerous journalistic and marketing discourses are apparent in advertorials and click- based material, with personification through conversational discourse, the pursuit of happiness by portraying the reader as an imperfect person and a friendly brand through corporate advertising as three recurrent themes. A majority of the text commercial at ELLE.se balances between editorial content and advertisement, demonstrating many aspects of an evolving hybrid genre. Lastly, respondents in the qualitative interviews identify digitalisation, loss of journalistic quality and decreased reliability as three discursive conflicts between journalistic ideals and commercial pressure. The result stresses how the impact of commercialism and how journalistic and promotional discourses are continuously blended, showing aspects of ongoing hybridisation and converging genres.

This is a study of how the image of Sweden is constructed in international media. Using the country as a swinging bat in debates on socialism and progressiveness is nothing new but has had an upswing during recent years as a result of the global rise of right-wing forces. With the help of Critical Discourse Analysis, four articles from the United States and the United Kingdom are analysed. These are then presented according to Fairclough’s three-layered model. With the help of previous research on Sweden in international media, fake news and nation branding, these findings are then explained and put into context.The study finds that the image of Sweden presented in media tends to follow the narrative of Good Sweden and Bad Sweden. On the one hand is the classic welfare state in the north, which takes care of its people and with high levels of trust between the actors. On the other hand is a country in ruins as a result of letting in too many immigrants. Both narratives rely heavily on stereotypes. The discussion tends to use Sweden as an example, when it is really about ideologies and values. Another result shown by the study is that fake news is a common trace in news about Sweden, not only in alternative media but also in the established elite media. This can be seen as a result of the hardening situation in the media business as well as the rise of right-wing forces.

Magister Artium - MA / The controversial singing of the Shoot the Boer song by Julius Malema was a focus of media attention during the period of March 3, 2010 to September 12, 2011.This study aims to analyse the discourses participants draw on in the expression of their positions of race and identity in selected online texts, as well as the different meanings and interpretations the Shoot the Boer song has acquired over time. Using the data drawn from three court rulings, namely the South Gauteng High Court, North Gauteng High Court and the Equality Court and commentaries from various online websites, this project focuses on the various ways in which issues of race are realised through language by focusing on the construction and interpretation of Julius Malema and the Shoot the Boer song within different contextual spaces. This study uses a critical discourse analysis framework, as well as theories of intertextuality, resemiotization, contextand chronotope to analyse the texts which were generated in response to the song. Key findings include the ways in which participants who consider themselves as part of a minority group, construct themselves as 'victims‘ in relation to Malema and the singing of the song. Similarly, another key finding is that the broader discourse of fear exhibited in the various commentaries links to a general fear of 'black power‘ where Malema is a signifier of this 'black power.‘ Overall, the thesis argues that the meanings of the song are multiple and shift with the changing chronotopia of its performance. It therefore support Blommaert‘s (2005) emphasis on the importance of 'text trajectories‘ in establishing the meaning of texts, and argues that the historical meanings associated with the Shoot the Boer song form a complex set of frames on which different participants draw when interpreting the song in 2010.

This thesis examines how national identities are discursively constructed in online discussions around immigration in Finland. The discursive construction of Finnish national identities is analyzed both in the light of the construction of ‘sameness’ and of ‘otherness’, drawing upon critical discourse analysis and the notion of a nation as an imagined community. The analyzed data is from a Finnish discussion forum, Suomi24. The discussions analyzed generally construct an exclusionary identity: Finnishness is often represented as something inherent and impossible to combine with, for example, Islam or Russianness. Elite discourses as well as discourses previously identified in Hommaforum, a Finnish ‘immigration critical’ forum, were reproduced in the discussions, implying that online discussions, in addition to reproducing elite discourses, can also foster them. The prevalence of exclusionary discourses and stereotypical representations in a moderated discussion forum speaks for the normalization of such ways of talking about immigration, ‘us’ and ‘others’.

SILVA, Ana Paula Rabelo. Os processos de letramentos nas transformações de identidades de três gerações de mulheres escolarizadas. 2017. 360f. – Tese (Doutorado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Linguística, Fortaleza (CE), 2017. / Submitted by Gustavo Daher (gdaherufc@hotmail.com) on 2017-04-06T16:45:13Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2017_tese_aprsilva.pdf: 3513156 bytes, checksum: 81787a4ac1bfebb5b759274281d3c595 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2017-04-07T12:22:42Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2017_tese_aprsilva.pdf: 3513156 bytes, checksum: 81787a4ac1bfebb5b759274281d3c595 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-04-07T12:22:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2017_tese_aprsilva.pdf: 3513156 bytes, checksum: 81787a4ac1bfebb5b759274281d3c595 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017 / A ausência de dados para a realização de um artigo sobre educação de três gerações de mulheres (de um mesmo grupo familiar, doravante GF) que tivessem passado pelo letramento acadêmico foi o fator motivador para a escolha do tema. Assim, a presente tese propôs-se a realizar, sustentada pela Análise de Discurso Crítica (ADC), uma pesquisa intersecional considerando grau de escolaridade, gênero social, raça e classe na análise das transformações de identidades de 24 mulheres (brancas e negras) que experienciaram o letramento acadêmico. É objetivo principal analisar as transformações de identidades de gênero social – considerando as mudanças discursivas, sociais e culturais – por meio do acesso a diferentes gêneros discursivos. Da mesma forma, também são objetivos: a) analisar como o letramento acadêmico de mulheres, sobretudo as negras, mensurado pelo acesso aos gêneros discursivos da academia, pode indicar a ascensão e o empoderamento das mulheres; b) identificar como o acesso aos gêneros discursivos pode estar associado a disputas de micropoderes, permitindo o empoderamento das mulheres, em especial, das mulheres negras; c) identificar como o acesso ao letramento afeta nas transformações de crenças e valores e sugere disputas de micropoderes. A pesquisa, de cunho qualitativo, tem como dimensão teórica e metodológica a Análise de Discurso Crítica (FAIRCLOUGH, [1992] 2001, 2003; CHOULIARAKI, FAIRCLOUGH [1999] 2007; MAGALHÃES 1995, 2003, 2005, 2008, 2009, 2012; RAMALHO, RESENDE, 2011; RESENDE, RAMALHO, 2013). Além das considerações iniciais e finais, está dividida em três partes: uma teórica, uma metodológica e outra analítica. Os capítulos teóricos tratam de “Desigualdades de raça e gênero no acesso à educação”, com o propósito de contextualizar as questões relacionadas ao acesso ao ensino superior e à história das lutas das mulheres em três gerações do feminismo (CAMERON, 1995; LOURO, [1997] 2014; OSTERMANN, 2006; FRASER, 2007; MAGALHÃES, 2008, 2009). “ADC e gênero social”, está dividido em: modalidade e avaliação, com base em Fairclough ([1992] 2001, 2003), e discurso e gênero social (WODAK, 1997; CAMERON, 2003, 2005; MAGALHÃES, 2005a; HEBERLE, OSTERMANN, FIGUEIREDO, 2006; MOSS, 2007). “Letramento e gênero discursivos” trata da compreensão de letramento, baseada em Street (2012, 2014) e Magalhães (1995) e de gêneros discursivos, dialogando com Bakhtin ([1953] 2011), Fairclough ([1992] 2001), Motta-Roth (1998, 2008) e Solin (2011). A segunda parte da tese apresenta os procedimentos metodológicos, e tem como principal instrumento de geração de dados a entrevista (individual ou coletiva). Na análise das práticas experienciadas no espaço acadêmico – Parte C –, foram introduzidas as categorias da ADC: modalidade e avaliação (FAIRCLOUGH, [1992] 2001, 2003). As transformações de identidade nos GFs de mulheres brancas ocorreram mais significativamente por geração. Há uma tendência entre as 24 mulheres a apresentar um modo de ser e de viver o mundo que não rompa com o seu tempo histórico, isso permite que coexistam identidades diferentes e conflitantes, alimentando outros projetos de identidade ou de resistência e podendo impulsionar identidades pessoais a se consagrarem como futuras identidades coletivas. Nas identidades, há disputas de micropoderes. Vale ressaltar que é significativo que a pesquisa não tenha levantado dados de nenhum GF completo de mulheres negras.

My critical discourse analysis (CDA) of the New York Times' front-page and editorial articles, within the framework of Herman and Chomsky's (1988) propaganda model, shows that the newspaper constructed the intervention in Rwanda as suicidal for the United States and beyond the capacity of the international community. On the other hand, U.S. and NATO intervention and military airstrikes against Serbia were represented as surgical and the only options available to save ethnic Albanian lives in Kosovo. My analysis finds that the New York Times' constructions of the two conflicts, conflict actors and victims of the conflicts heavily favored the official U.S. policy of nonintervention in Rwanda and intervention in Kosovo. In particular, the analysis of the Kosovo conflict discourse in the New York Times found strong support for the dichotomization hypothesis of the propaganda model. I further analyzed U.S. policy papers or the official propaganda discourses alongside news media discourses, and also reviewed my CDA findings alongside key historical episodes related to the two conflicts. My analysis shows, while the New York Times showcased and regurgitated arguments that were in favor of U.S. policy of intervention in Kosovo and nonintervention in Rwanda, the newspaper--deliberately or otherwise--omitted and distorted key details that could potentially and fundamentally reshape perceptions of the need or lack of need for U.S. interventions in each of the two conflicts. Lastly, my analysis finds that there was high degree of similarity between the official propaganda discourses and the discourses in the New York Times.

SILVA, Valney Veras da. O discurso político da legitimização da corrupção parlamentar nas crises políticas da era Lula. 2011. 471f. – Dissertação (Mestrado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Departamento de Letras Vernáculas, Programa de Pós-graduação em Linguística, Fortaleza (CE), 2011. / Submitted by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2014-08-18T16:16:10Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2011_dis_vvsilva.pdf: 4280093 bytes, checksum: 34b5af0f244e2737634e371aa5d7bd0b (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo(marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2014-08-18T16:55:13Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2011_dis_vvsilva.pdf: 4280093 bytes, checksum: 34b5af0f244e2737634e371aa5d7bd0b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-08-18T16:55:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2011_dis_vvsilva.pdf: 4280093 bytes, checksum: 34b5af0f244e2737634e371aa5d7bd0b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / This study aims to analyze the political discourse of the Senate, in the ordinary pro-nunciamentos with in order to verify the legitimacy of the discourse of corruption, in times of crisis the government of President Luis Inacio Lula da Silva. As the crisis periods are periods of political crisis of legitimacy, it becomes possible to observe how the speech in favor of political corruption is legitimized these crises. Two major political crises are examined: the "Mafia Leeches" and "Project Clean Record." The corpus of the analysis consists of seventy-seven statements whose themes are the two aforementioned crises and political corrup-tion. The dissertation is divided into four sections, the first of which is the theoretical con-tent. The perspective of van Dijk (2003, 2006, 2008) fundamental research with its approach of Critical Studies in Discourse and its proposed multi-tidisciplinar that relates cognition, so-ciety and discourse. The second section presents a historical-political context of political cor-ruption in Brazil, as of social representations, from the perspective of Moscovici (2009) and Jovchelovitch (2010). The third section presents the research methodology, which is qualita-tive, subjective nature of interpretation. The rhetoric and topoi are categories of analysis, based on the theory of argumentative rhetoric of Billig (2008), which will build on the theory of conceptual metaphors, due to their socio-cognitive aspects (Lakoff, Johnson, 1980; Ko-vecses, 2002 ). The fourth section is the analysis of the discourses that legitimate political speech in support of corruption, pointing as a result veiled by the legitimacy of actors / writers politicians who seek to exercise the abuse of power in politics. The topoi built by the pro-nouncements of the Senate confirm the legitimacy of political discourseparliamentary corrup-tion, and the relationship of abuse of power among social groups. / Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo analisar os discursos políticos do Senado Federal, nos pronunciamentos ordinários, com o fim de constatar a legitimação do discurso da corrupção, nos períodos de crise do governo do Presidente Luis Inácio Lula da Silva. Como os períodos de crise política são períodos de crise de legitimação, torna-se viável observar como o discurso em favor da corrupção política é legitimado nestas crises. Duas principais crises políticas são analisadas: a “Máfia dos Sanguessugas” e o “projeto Ficha Limpa”. O corpus da análise é composto por setenta e sete pronunciamentos cuja temática são as duas crises anteriormente mencionadas e a corrupção política. A dissertação é dividida em quatro seções, das quais a primeira é a de conteúdo teórico. A perspectiva teórica de van Dijk (2003, 2006, 2008) fundamenta a pesquisa com sua abordagem dos Estudos Críticos do Discurso e sua proposta multidisciplinar que relaciona a cognição, a sociedade e o discurso. A segunda seção apresenta uma contextualização histórico-política da corrupção política no Brasil, a partir das representações sociais, segundo a perspectiva de Moscovici (2009) e Jovchelovitch (2010). A terceira seção apresenta a metodologia da pesquisa, que é qualitativa de cunho subjetivo-interpretativa. A retórica e os topoi são as categorias de análise, baseadas na teoria da retórica argumentativa de Billig (2008), que serão construídos a partir da teoria das metáforas conceituais, devido seu aspecto sócio-cognitivo (Lakoff; Johnson, 1980; Kovecses, 2002). A quarta seção é a análise dos discursos políticos que legitimam o discurso em favor da corrupção, apontando como resultado a legitimação velada por meio de atores/redatores políticos, que buscam exercer o abuso de poder no campo político. Os topois construídos pelos pronunciamentos dos Senadores confirmam o discurso político de legitimação da corrupção parlamentar, e a relação de abuso de poder entre grupos sociais.

SILVA, Valney Veras da. Argumentação no discurso parlamentar de legitimação da corrupção política. 2014. 218f. – Tese (Doutorado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Departamento de Letras Vernáculas, Programa de Pós-graduação em Linguística, Fortaleza (CE), 2014. / Submitted by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2015-01-20T15:28:36Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2014_tese_vvsilva.pdf: 2270576 bytes, checksum: 3924c5b5f3f01849028293f7479ae62b (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo(marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2015-01-20T15:51:44Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2014_tese_vvsilva.pdf: 2270576 bytes, checksum: 3924c5b5f3f01849028293f7479ae62b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-01-20T15:51:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2014_tese_vvsilva.pdf: 2270576 bytes, checksum: 3924c5b5f3f01849028293f7479ae62b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / The “Argument in parliamentary discourse of legitimation of political corruption”, title of this thesis, aims to investigate the parliamentary discourse of legitimation of political corruption, focusing on the examination of how to configure the relationships between discourse, ideology and linguistic-discursive strategies. Perceived that the political corruption by discursive dimension, and not only by political science bias, in order to perceive that there is a discourse produced to legitimize this practice, and to identify the resources veiled that naturalize it. The Critical Discourse Studies (CDS) theoretically underlie the research, specifically the socio-cognitive approach to van Dijk (2006, 2008), which is configured in its multidisciplinary approach, from the dimensions social, cognitive and discursive. Through discursive socio-cognitive is that it becomes feasible to scrutinize the political corruption strategy of legitimation among the texts produced in the Chamber of Deputies of Brazil, producing group discourse analyzed. Although the theoretical aspect, we propose a link between the Theory of Semantic Blocks of Carel and Ducrot (1997, 2001) and sociocognição, thus substantiate the analysis methodology, which investigates the parliamentary discourse legitimizing corruption by arguing the their subjects. The corpus of analysis consists of pronouncements of federal deputies, between the years 2012 and 2013, above “julgamento do mensalão”, flagship event on the political corruption that led the leaders of the Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) to condemnation. It is understood that, as a social group, the Chamber of Deputies and the PT, position themselves ideologically and that such a stance is presented in the discourse produced and shared. The discursive legitimation of political corruption produced by a social group is characterized as abuse of power. The sociocognição arises in the field of CDS because investigates the ideology of domination from the discursive dimension. The TBS based categories of argumentative analysis necessary to scrutinize the political discourse, from the statements listed by the subjects of discourse. Thus, it is understood that the unveiling of such discourses of legitimation corroborates against a more subtle form of oppression, discursive and ideological. / A “Argumentação no discurso parlamentar de legitimação da corrupção política”, título desta tese, tem como objetivo investigar o discurso parlamentar de legitimação da corrupção política, com foco no exame de como se configuram as relações entre discurso, ideologia e estratégias linguístico-discursivas. Observa-se a corrupção política pela dimensão discursiva, e não somente pelo viés das ciências políticas, de modo a perceber que há um discurso produzido para legitimar tal prática, bem como identificar os recursos velados que a naturalizam. Os Estudos Críticos do Discurso (ECD) embasam teoricamente a pesquisa, especificamente a abordagem sociocognitiva de van Dijk (2006, 2008), que se configura na sua multidisciplinaridade, a partir das dimensões social, cognitiva e discursiva. Por meio da sociocognição discursiva é que se torna viável o perscrutar da estratégia de legitimação da corrupção política dentre os textos produzidos na Câmara Federal de Deputados do Brasil, grupo produtor dos discursos analisados. Ainda no aspecto teórico, propõe-se uma articulação entre a Teoria dos Blocos Semânticos de Carel e Ducrot (1997, 2001) e a sociocognição, para assim fundamentar a metodologia de análise, que investiga o discurso parlamentar de legitimação da corrupção por meio da argumentação dos seus sujeitos. O corpus de análise é composto por pronunciamentos de deputados federais, entre os anos 2012 e 2013, sobre o “julgamento do mensalão”, evento emblemático acerca da corrupção política que levou à condenação líderes do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT). Entende-se que, como grupo social, a Câmara de Deputados e o PT, posicionam-se ideologicamente e que tal postura se apresenta no discurso produzido e compartilhado. A legitimação discursiva da corrupção política produzida por um grupo social configura-se como abuso de poder. A sociocognição se coloca no campo dos ECD porque investiga a ideologia de dominação a partir da dimensão discursiva. A TBS fundamenta as categorias de análise argumentativas necessárias ao perscrutar do discurso político, a partir dos enunciados elencados pelos sujeitos do discurso. Desta forma, entende-se que o desvelar de tais discursos de legitimação corrobora contra uma forma mais sutil de opressão, a discursivo-ideológica.