In an explorative approach, this thesis draws upon the benefits of using Artificial Intelligence (AI) for analysing text with Topic Modelling in an attempt to measure populism in Swedish news. This project breaks new ground in the field of media and communication studies by including 15 200 000 words from Swedish news articles published between 2012 and 2022 and steps into the next generation of news analysis that incorporates data driven methods to unload the burden of quantitative content analysis. By extracting the most salient aspects of populism and feeding them to the Top2Vec algorithm, keywords related to populism is measured over time and space and a new value describing to what degree news agencies is complicit in media populism is developed. Some of the most noticeable findings include, identifying keywords related to populism, Aftonbladet’s elevated degree of media populism and that the focus of Swedish media populism shifts over time, from the “People” to the “Anti-Elite” aspects of populism.

This thesis challenges the traditional interpretation of the history of Populism in America through the use of an intensive regional study. Using precinct-level returns, this thesis proves that, contrary to the conclusions of more general studies, voters from predominately Populist areas in North Texas did not support the poll tax amendment that passed in November 1902. The Populists within this region demonstrated their frustration and distrust of the political process by leaving the polls in higher percentages than other voters between 1896 and 1902. The Populists that did participate in 1902 reentered the Democratic Party but did not support the poll tax, which was a major plank within the Democratic platform. This thesis also proves that the poll tax had a significant effect in reducing the electorate in North Texas.

The thesis ”Crime, the evening press & Kristersson - A multimodal critical discourse analysis of Ulf Kristersson and the evening press within crime and justice” aims to analyze the role the evening press is playing in the portrayal of Kristersson in the field of crime and justice, aswell as analyze Kristersson's use of discursive tools when discussing various events in said field before and after the 2022 election campaign. Applied theories include framing theory and populist rhetoric, in order to explore how media frames Kristersson, as well as studying Kristersson’s populist political style. A multimodal critical discourse analysis is employed in order to analyze quotes, pictures, and the structure of the selected articles. The analysis revealed a broad use of discursive tools, among those a strategic use of transitivity. Kristersson tends to diffuse the distribution of responsibility, either to evade accountability or to protect other actors. Additionally, he tends to avoid mentioning any active subject, highlighting victims of a crime or making his statement cryptic and unclear. Generally, Kristersson was portrayed either in a neutral or positive way, often bolstering a character beneficial to him. The articles often feature pictures portraying Kristersson in a suit, sometimes accompanied with a Swedish flag in the background. These images can create and reinforce an image of him as a patriotic and dependable leader. Furthermore, surrounding articles often contribute to this image and amplify the message he intends to convey by presenting related topics with relevant pictures.

Call number: LD2668 .T4 1932 G51 / Master of Science

No description available.

<p>The aim of the study is to examine how the executive leadership and the decision-making process are shaped by the leadership environment in a transition democracy as Venezuela. The questions I intend to answer are: What kind of leadership environment surrounds the leadership and what kind of consequences does it have on the leadership and the decision-making process in Venezuela? To answer my questions I will use the literature: Political Leadership in Liberal Democracies (Elgie, Robert 1995, London: Macmillian), together with the method “The cultural determinist school of history” by Tomas Spencer, later reproduced by Kellerman. The leadership environment provides unique opportunities for a leader to gain control over the decision-making process. Institutional structures and the needs of the society are major parts in determining how the political leadership is exercised. In Venezuela, charismatic President Hugo Chávez is head of the executive branch. The President enjoys great executive power that has diminished the role of the legislature. The policy of a more governmental controlled economy and direct democracy, based on populism has led to a more polarized society. Both historical and socio cultural failures have benefited the presidency. The “partyarchy” is abolished and has been replaced by a personalized policy-making process. The tendency is a leadership environment with a consolidation of the extended power within the executive, and a decision-making process outside the traditional institutional structures that favours the executive.</p>

Syftet med denna uppsats är testa Muddes hypotes: När populistiska aktörer når politiska framgångar och hotar etablissemanget, svarar delar av etablissemanget med att inkludera ett populistiskt språkbruk för att mota bort utmanaren. Ovanstående hypotes prövas genom att undersöka om Hillary Clinton och Jeb Bush som tillhör ett politiskt etablissemang utvecklat sitt språk i sina kampanjtal mot att bli mer eller mindre populistiska, i samband med att Donald Trump och Bernie Sanders som av flera medier blivit beskrivna som populister anslutit sig till primärvalet 2016 i USA. Teorin som används i uppsatsen är hämtad från Cas Muddes studie The Populist Zeitgeist samt Kirk A. Hawkins studie ”Is Chávez Populist?”. Metoden i uppsatsen utgörs av en kvalitativ idealtypsanalys. Utifrån uppsatsens resultat kan följande indikationer redovisas. Hillary Clinton har inte inkluderat ett mer populistiskt språk i sina kampanjtal i samband med att Trump och Sanders ställt upp inför primärvalet 2016 i USA. Detta står i motsats till Jeb Bush som inkluderat ett mer populistiskt språk i samband med att Trump och Sanders ställt upp inför primärvalet 2016 i USA, vilket styrker Muddes hypotes.

Syftet med denna studie är att urskilja likheter och skillnader mellan de verklighetsbilder som de brittiska tidningarna The Sun och The Daily Telegraph skapade åt sina läsare veckan innan Storbritanniens folkomröstning om medlemskapet i EU. Uppsatsen har sin utgångspunkt i teorierna om gestaltning, medielogik och kunskapsklyftan. Genom en kvalitativ textanalys grundad i massmedieretoriken undersöks om tidningarna uppfyllde det demokratiska uppdraget att informera medborgarna inför valet och i vilken grad de drogs mot populistiska tendenser i sin rapportering.   Resultatet av analysen visar att det finns markanta skillnader mellan de typer av information som de olika tidningarna erbjuder sina läsare. The Sun gav en förenklad och polariserad världsbild som närmast bidrog till att befästa fördomar. The Daily Telegraphs världsbild var mer komplex, men också mer högtravande och därmed exkluderande. Detta är knappast förvånande och stämmer väl överens med den bild som tidigare forskning ger av den nyhetsvärdering som styr kvalitetstidningar respektive tabloider världen över. Genom en jämförelse mellan de två tidningarna görs de skilda verklighetsbilder läsarna tar till sig tydliga, vilket kan öppna upp för en diskussion om tidningarnas demokratiska roll i samhället.

The 2016 election cycle has shown a dramatic radicalization of the right, featuring elements such as out-group demonization, law and order rhetoric, and populist strategies that have not been so prevalent in the US since the rise of Nixon’s Silent Majority in the 1970s. The UK has experienced a similar ideological shift, though its emergence has perhaps not been so notoriously outspoken. All the same, the fervent anti-statist and anti-elitist narrative employed by the Leave Campaign is starkly similar to language historically associated with the populist rhetoric of the Far Right. Drawing on analyses of economic, socio-cultural, and geopolitical trends that have changed the status quo of each of these countries in the post-crisis era, I attempt to elucidate potential factors that have made Far Right narratives of fear, paranoia, and insecurity particularly salient.

Populism, what is that really? Is it like a wave of populism we standing in front of with Donald Trump and Marine Le Pen in its lead? Well, that’s very hard to say. Research have shown that it´s very hard to exactly say anything about what populism is. But, in this study several different research has been put together with four concrete criterions as a result. These four criterions will be useful as a theoretical framework, to analyse four Swedish parties’ participation in two different welfare-debates. Which one of them uses populism? It will also be useful for this study’s second question, if populism is a useful concept of analysing political parties? The method used in this study is text analysis, with the spoken text in the debates in focus. The result shows the complexity of populism as a concept, but also that all the parties, accept one, uses populism in the two debates, more or less.   The conclusion is that populism as a concept is far too big, and far too widespread to analyse in a research of this size, and therefore it´s necessary to cut things of.