Environmentally induced migration has been a contentious topic over the last two decades. Estimates show that over 30 million people worldwide are annually forced to migrate due to serious environmental degradation, natural disasters and depletion of natural resources. Thus the environment is irrefutably changing, and clear linkages can be drawn between environmental change and human mobility. Africa‘s developing status and its vulnerability in the context of environmental shocks compels research on prospective impacts and outcomes in order to develop proper mitigation and adaptation strategies, especially in Southern African Development Community (SADC) where the likelihood of protection measures being successfully implemented is relatively low. This dissertation is aimed at providing the reader with a detailed analysis of the regional normative framework regulating the issue of environmentally induced migration in SADC. Because environmental migrants are not considered to be ―refugees‖ in international law and on account of the fact that many policy makers and practitioners have their reservations as regards even acknowledging the existence of environmental migrants, protection and regulation in this regard is understandably lacking. A comprehensive framework is nonetheless required to regulate this phenomenon as it prompts serious security and sovereignty concerns. Until quite recently, most African countries had not even put in place national migration policies. Although many states have policies in place now, most have not yet been fully and effectively implemented. The normative framework governing specifically environmentally induced migration in SADC similarly renders rather disappointing results. Most of the applicable instruments do not directly raise the issue and the provisions indirectly touching upon the subject matter are subject to interpretation. A binding protocol must therefore be adopted by SADC Member States embracing elements contained in the instruments comprising the current framework. Such a protocol will however have to be liberal enough to acknowledge and provide for environmentally induced migration in its entirety whilst conservative enough so as not to undermine protection regimes for refugees in the true sense of the word. Conflicting interests and sovereignty considerations will, however, undoubtedly continue to hinder progress in this regard. The way forward is therefore away from ultimate sovereignty preservation and toward a regionalised approach where human rights no longer take a backseat. / LLM (Environmental Law and Governance), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2015

As European governments rapidly turn their attention to the implementation of the EU-Turkey agreement, this thesis raises significant questions regarding refugees’ access to international protection. At its core, the agreement aims to address the flow of irregular migrants and asylum seekers traveling across the Mediterranean from Turkey to Greece, by allowing returns of “all irregular migrants”. The aim of this thesis has been to examine if these actions limit two fundamental refugee rights; the right to seek asylum and the principle of non-refoulement. If so, are these restrictions legitimate according to Seyla Benhabib’s and Joseph Carens’ theory? These two theoreticians have been chosen because they problematize the conflicting view of state sovereignty in relation to refugees’ rights. This is significant when the state maintains border control and is responsible to prevent refugees from entering the state. This thesis shows that the EU-Turkey agreement is not compatible with the practical obligations of states under international law and the European Union asylum policy, simply because Turkey is not a safe third country for refugees to be sent back to. Thus, the actions within the agreement does restrict refugees’ right to seek asylum and the principle of non-refoulement. These restrictions cannot be considered legitimate, based on the thesis’ theoretical approach. To study the EU-Turkey agreement involves addressing one of the most urgent topics in international law and political theory, as well as providing normative grounds for future migration agreements between states.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

This work aims to compare two models of migration, on the one hand, Czech migration to the capital city of Mexico on the other hand, Mexican migration to the capital city of Czech Republic. This text looks at migration as a cultural-social act, with its main protagonists, individual migrants. Therefore this work is not demographic, but anthropological based on qualitative research. With the background of basic sources it offers the monitoring of behavior of two groups of migrants, especially in their adaptation process. The basic research question then is: What is the process of cultural adaptation of the Czechs in Mexico, DF and Mexicans in Prague? To what extent are these models similar or different? Finding answers to this question necessarily leads to other topics, reply to completion, which are: How strong are the tendencies of development of ethnic communities? How respondents experienced the process of adaptation and changes of their identity? What strategies of living in the destination country they occupied? To what extent they communicate with compatriots and embassies? This paper provides both theoretical basis, which defines the terms of migration, cultural adaptation and identity, and practical sections, which through examples of qualitative research describe the process of cultural adaptation...

Thesis. 1976. M.C.P.--Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Dept. of Urban Studies and Planning. / Microfiche copy available in Archives and Rotch. / Bibliography: leaves 225-227. / M.C.P.

Le but de cette thèse est d'étudier par quatre essais l'économie de migration de pays en voie de développement. Le premier chapitre évalue l'effet des catastrophes naturelles (principalement en raison du changement climatique), dans les pays en voie de développement, sur des taux de migration et regarde comment cet effet varie selon le niveau d'enseignement des personnes. Nos résultats montrent que les catastrophes naturelles sont positivement associées aux taux d'émigration et impliquent aussi la migration des personnes fortement qualifiés. Le deuxième chapitre présente les différents canaux expliquant l'intention de migrer illégalement. Une des nouveautés de l'analyse est qu'elle utilise une enquête sur mesure parmi des individus sénégalais urbains. Nous constatons que les migrants illégaux potentiels sont enclins à accepter un risque substantiel de mort et sont souvent jeunes, célibataires et avec un niveau bas d'éducation. Nous montrons aussi que le prix de l'immigration illégale, les réseaux d'immigrés, de hautes espérances, des politiques d'immigration serrées et le pays de destination jouent tous un rôle dans l'empressement de migrer illégalement. Le troisième chapitre complète le deuxième en étudiant le rôle d'aversion des risques et le taux d'escompte dans la migration illégale du Sénégal. Nos résultats montrent que ces préférences individuelles comptent dans l'empressement de migrer illégalement et payer à un contrebandier. Finalement dans le quatrième chapitre, nous nous sommes intéressés à la place des migrants sur les marchés de crédit dans un contexte rural. Selon nos résultats, avoir un migrant dans un ménage augmente autant la probabilité d'avoir un prêt que sa taille, que le prêt soit formel ou informel. Nous constatons aussi que cet effet positif reste significatif peu importe si le prêt est pris pour des raisons professionnelles ou simplement pour acheter de la nourriture. / The aim of this thesis is to study through four essays the economics of migration from developing countries. The first chapter assesses the effect of natural disasters (mainly due to climate change), in developing countries, on migration rates and looks at how this effect varies according to the level of education of people. Our results show that natural disasters are positively associated with emigration rates and also involve the migration of highly skilled people. The second chapter presents the different channels explaining the intention to migrate illegally. One of the novelties of the analysis is that it uses a tailor-Made survey among urban Senegalese individuals. We find that potential illegal migrants are willing to accept a substantial risk of death and tend to be young, single and with a low level of education. We also show that the price of illegal migration, migrant networks, high expectations, tight immigration policies and the preferred destination country all play a role in the willingness to migrate illegally. The third chapter completes the second one by studying the role of risk-Aversion and discount rate in illegal migration from Senegal. Our results show that these individual preferences matter in the willingness to migrate illegally and to pay a smuggler. Finally in the fourth chapter, we are interested in the effect of migrants on credit markets in a rural Senegalese context. According to our results, having a migrant in a household increases both the likelihood of having a loan and its size, whether the loan is formal or informal. We also find that this positive effect remains significant no matter if the loan is taken for professional activities or simply to buy food.

Fondée sur une enquête ethnographique multisituée, à Mexico et dans le Wisconsin (États-Unis), cette thèse prend pour objet la façon dont les migrants mobilisent l'ethnicité à différentes étapes de leur parcours migratoire. A partir du cas d'Indiens mexicains (les Otomis de Santiago Mexquititlán), elle s'intéresse aux exo et aux endo-identifications des migrants indiens, ainsi qu'à leurs formes d'organisation. Le choix d'analyser conjointement migration interne (vers Mexico) et migration internationale (de Mexico vers les États-Unis) permet d'évaluer l'influence de différents facteurs sur la conception de projets migratoires transnationaux : les systèmes de hiérarchies ethno-raciales nationaux et locaux, le contexte urbain de départ et les migrations individuelles ou collectives préalables. Dans la perspective d'une sociologie compréhensive et d'une sociologie des acteurs, ce travail éclaire les processus de subjectivation à l'œuvre dans la migration. Il montre que l'ethnicité est une variable que sollicitent les Indiens pour composer leurs projets migratoires. Les migrants opèrent en effet des choix sous contrainte entre individuation et communalisation, rapprochement ou distanciation des réseaux ethniques, visibilité ou occultation des marqueurs de l'ethnicité. En analysant les contextes d'opportunités politiques, l'intersection des rapports sociaux de classe, de race, de genre, et l'impact des statuts administratifs, cette thèse constitue un apport à la sociologie des migrations, ainsi qu'aux études sur le genre et les relations interethniques, en particulier en Amérique Latine.

<p>The main objective of this essay is to analyze the challenges caused by today's modern phenomenon of change in our society and to discuss it in relationship to the process of migration. In doing so I focus on questions like, "what does it really mean when a person becomes a migrant and what does it mean to be the host country?" Becoming a migrant or a host country is a complex process which involves variety of challenges both for individuals and the locality. New inventions are made in the field of science and technology. Societies and social institutions are subjected to change and we undergo several changes or modifications to fit in to this changing system. This makes integration process more tedious and complex. I feel that the process of accepting and adopting begins from the very first moment in the new society. The one who comes in also brings in new cultural perspectives, new ideologies and beliefs. This establishes the background of plurality which has both positive and negative consequences.</p><p>I believe that every factor from bigger social institutions to minute incidents associated with an individual are of equal importance in understanding society as a whole. So I approach my research question here by considering both micro and macro theorists. I have also referred to migrations history of Sweden which provides general idea of types and mode of migration in the past few decades.</p>

Background: The study is based in post-apartheid South Africa and looks at the health and well being of households in the rural northeast. Temporary migration remains important in South Africa because it functions as a mainstay for income and even survival of rural communities. The economic base of rural South Africans is surprisingly low because there is high inequity at a national level, within and between racial groups. There has now been a democratic system in place for 15 years and there is no longer restriction of mobility, but there remain high levels of poverty in rural areas and rising mortality rates. Migration patterns did not change after apartheid in the manner expected. We need to examine consequences of migration and learn how to offset negative impacts with targeted policies. Aims: To determine a relevant typology of migration in a typical rural sending community, namely the Agincourt sub-district of Mpumalanga, South Africa, and relate it to the urban transition at a national level – Paper (I) . To evaluate the dynamics of socio-economic status in this rural community and examine the relationship with migration – Paper (II). To explore, using longitudinal methods, the impact of migration on key dimensions of health, including adult and child mortality, and sexual partnerships, over a period of an emerging HIV/AIDS epidemic – Papers (III), (IV) and (V). Methods: The health and socio-demographic surveillance system (HDSS) is a large open cohort where the migration dynamics are monitored as they unfold. They are recorded as temporary or permanent migration. Settled refugees are captured using nationality on entry into the HDSS. Longitudinal methods, namely a household panel and two discrete time event history analyses, are used to examine consequences of migration. Results: Migration features prominently and different types have different age and sex profiles. Temporary migration impacts the most on socio-economic status (SES) and health, but permanent migration and the settlement of former refugees are also important. Remittances from migrants make a significant difference to SES. For the poorest households the key factors improving SES are government grants and female temporary migration, while for less poor it is male temporary migration and local employment. Migration has been associated with HIV. Migrants that return more frequently may be less exposed to outside partners and therefore less implicated in the HIV epidemic. There are links between migration and mortality including a higher risk of dying for returnee migrants compared to permanent residents. A mother’s migration can impact on child survival after accounting for other factors. There remains a higher mortality risk for children of Mozambican former refugee parents. Interpretation: Migration changes the risks and resources for health with positive and negative implications. Measures such as improved transportation and roads should be seen as a positive, not a negative intervention, even though it will create more migration. Health services need to adapt to a reality of high levels of circular migration ranging from budget allocation to referral systems. Data should be enhanced at a national level by accounting for temporary migration in national censuses and surveys. At individual level we can offset negative consequences by treating migrants as persons striving against adversity, instead of unwelcome visitors in our better-off communities.

The main objective of this essay is to analyze the challenges caused by today's modern phenomenon of change in our society and to discuss it in relationship to the process of migration. In doing so I focus on questions like, "what does it really mean when a person becomes a migrant and what does it mean to be the host country?" Becoming a migrant or a host country is a complex process which involves variety of challenges both for individuals and the locality. New inventions are made in the field of science and technology. Societies and social institutions are subjected to change and we undergo several changes or modifications to fit in to this changing system. This makes integration process more tedious and complex. I feel that the process of accepting and adopting begins from the very first moment in the new society. The one who comes in also brings in new cultural perspectives, new ideologies and beliefs. This establishes the background of plurality which has both positive and negative consequences. I believe that every factor from bigger social institutions to minute incidents associated with an individual are of equal importance in understanding society as a whole. So I approach my research question here by considering both micro and macro theorists. I have also referred to migrations history of Sweden which provides general idea of types and mode of migration in the past few decades.