The purpose of this study is to investigate, through semi-structured interviews and thematic analysis, how social workers in the Stockholm area describe the phenomenon of recruiting children and youth to street gangs and how they experience their working conditions related to the target group. The theories New Public Management and the theory of social bonds are used as a theoretical framework. In the results, three main themes emerged; (1) you have no idea what you're saying yes to, (2) costs, the law and what we know works, and (3) it takes a village. The results show that the phenomenon of recruitment, based on descriptions, can be perceived in different ways. In the interviews, however, there is a predominant consensus and thephenomenon is explained on the basis that there has been a change regarding age and the attitudes of the target group. Even social relations, and bonds to society, are declared to be important. The result explains that the social workers’ consider themselves to have a good leeway for action despite several limitations. It appears that cost-effectiveness and follow-ups of results influence the work of the social workers and that a bureaucratic management strategy imminently shapes their work. / Studiens syfte är att genom semistrukturerade intervjuer och tematisk analys undersöka hur socialsekreterare i Storstockholm beskriver fenomenet rekrytering av barn och unga till gängkriminalitet samt deras upplevelser av sina arbetsförutsättningar relaterade till målgruppen. Som teoretiskt ramverk används teorierna New Public Management och teorin om sociala band. I resultatet framkom tre huvudteman; (1) du har ingen aning vad du säger ja till, (2) kostnader, lagrum och det vi vet funkar, samt (3) it takes a village. Resultatet visar att fenomenet rekrytering utifrån beskrivningarna kan uppfattas på olika sätt. I intervjuerna finns däremot en övervägande samstämmighet och fenomenet förklaras utifrån att det skett en förändring gällande ålder och målgruppens attityder. Även sociala relationer, och band till samhället, beskrivs som viktiga. Resultatet redogör att socialsekreterarna anser sig besitta ett gott handlingsutrymme trots flertalet begränsningar. Det framkommer att kostnadseffektivitet och resultatuppföljningar influerar socialsekreterarnas arbete och att en byråkratisk styrstrategi överhängande formar deras arbete.

L’image qu’a la population du phénomène des gangs est fortement influencée par les médias. Les informations véhiculées par les journaux et par les canaux de nouvelles mettent généralement l’emphase sur les stéréotypes associés aux gangs et aux comportements de ces derniers. Ceci a pour conséquence de rehausser la crainte que développe la population à l’endroit des gangs de rue. Dans un contexte où le phénomène des gangs paraît devenu omniprésent dans nos quartiers, nos villes et représente une problématique en expansion dans plusieurs grandes villes du Québec et du Canada, une attention particulière portée au trafic de drogues fait par les membres de gangs de rue, reconnu par plusieurs comme la principale activité des gangs de rue, revêt sans nul doute un grand intérêt. Obtenir la description la plus précise possible, faite par des membres ou d’ex-membres de gangs de rue, à partir de leurs connaissances concernant le trafic de drogues étant donné leur appartenance et leur implication dans les activités d’un gang de rue et, le cas échéant, le trafic de drogues effectué par ce dernier, représente l’objectif principal de la présente étude. C’est par le biais d’entrevues avec les principaux concernés que le trafic de drogues fait par les membres de gangs est abordé. Au total, quinze entrevues semi-directives ont été réalisées auprès de membres et ex-membres de gangs de rue, tous – à une exception près - pris en charge au Centre jeunesse de Montréal-Institut universitaire. Globalement, il ressort de cette étude qu’en plus du trafic de stupéfiants, les gangs ou les membres de gangs s’adonneraient à une délinquance polymorphe, le trafic étant rarement l’unique source de revenus du gang ou du membre. De plus, le trafic de stupéfiants ne serait pas une activité exclusive aux gangs de rue auxquels appartiennent les membres interviewés. Ainsi, même si l’on retrouve un certain nombre de membres participant à la vente comme activité structurée d’un gang, il est possible pour un membre d’effectuer de la vente de drogues de façon indépendante, tout en étant affilié à un gang de rue. Il appert que la plupart des interviewés font partie d’une clique, s’identifient à une couleur ou à un quartier, et s’approvisionnent en drogues auprès de membres plus âgés et hauts placés dans la structure des gangs de rue, que les répondants identifient comme étant les vétérans. En ce qui les concerne, les répondants signalent l’importance de gagner la confiance des plus haut placés s’ils souhaitent débuter et évoluer dans la vente de stupéfiants. Lorsque la confiance est présente et que le nouveau vendeur débute ses activités, soit il s’approprie un territoire, généralement à l’intérieur de son quartier, soit on lui fournit un endroit de vente où il peut « travailler ». La présence d’un membre de la famille déjà affilié à un gang paraît faciliter le processus d’accès des nouveaux à l’activité de trafic. Lorsque les interviewés abordent l’aspect du territoire de vente, plusieurs dimensions viennent s’y greffer : la compétition, les conflits, les interactions avec les gangs ennemis et la violence, pour ne nommer que celles-là. Les interviewés indiquent vendre une certaine variété de drogues, le cannabis et le crack représentant les deux drogues les plus couramment citées. La marge de profits varierait, entre autres, en fonction du type de drogue vendue, du quartier et des caractéristiques de la clientèle. Cette dernière, malgré qu’elle soit diversifiée, comporte une constante : les consommateurs dépendants sont, comme plusieurs interviewés l’ont mentionné, prêts à tout pour assurer leur consommation. Les consommateurs sont ordinairement des étudiants, des propriétaires de commerces, des employés de bars, des travailleurs de la construction, des itinérants, des prostitués, des fêtards, des voyageurs de passage à Montréal. Les répondants dénotent également la présence de policiers, agents doubles, pouvant se présenter comme clients. Ceci étant, il leur apparaît essentiel de développer des habiletés permettant de détecter la présence policière et la distinguer des clients réguliers. Côté consommation, les interviewés affirment se limiter presqu’essentiellement à l’alcool et au cannabis. Néanmoins, plusieurs avouent avoir consommé une grande variété d’intoxicants au cours de leur vie. Plusieurs signalent qu’une trop grande consommation nuit à la vente de stupéfiants. / In a context where the gang phenomenon has become omnipresent in our neighbourhoods and represents a growing problem in several large cities in Quebec and Canada, paying particular attention to drug trafficking by members of street gangs is undoubtedly of great interest. The media strongly influences the image of gang phenomenon. As information conveyed by newspapers and news channels focus on the stereotypes associated with gangs and their behaviour, it enhances the fear that society has regarding street gangs. That being said, to shed light on gangs and their activities is an interest. We chose to focus on drug trafficking which is common in street gangs. The main objective of this research is to obtain the most accurate description and knowledge of drug trafficking from present and former street gang members related to their knowledge of drug trafficking as a result of their membership and their involvement in street gang activities. Drug trafficking is addressed through interviews with gang members. In total, fifteen semi-directive interviews were conducted among present and former gang members. All respondents but one were from the Centre jeunesse de Montréal-Institut universitaire. Overall, this study allows us to understand that in addition to drug trafficking, gangs or gang members indulge in polymorphic criminal activities; drug trafficking is rarely the sole source of income. Moreover, drug trafficking is not an activity exclusive to street gangs. Thus, even if a number of members are involved in drug sales as a structured gang activity, it is possible for a member to sell drugs on a freelance basis while being affiliated with a street gang. It appears that most respondents are part of a clique, identify a color or a district and buy drugs from older and higher ranked members that respondents identify as veterans. Regarding the veterans, respondents indicated the importance of being trusted by the highest ranked if they wish to evolve in the drug sales market. When trust is present and the new seller begins his activities, either he takes over a turf, usually within his area, or the veteran provides a place where the new seller can "work". The presence of a family member already affiliated to a gang seems to facilitate the process of access to new trafficking activities. There are several dimensions associated with the territory aspect according to the interviewees such as: competition, conflict, interactions with rival gangs and violence, to name a few. Members indicate selling a variety of drugs, cannabis and crack representing the two most commonly cited drugs. The profit margin varies among the type of drugs sold, the district and of customers’ characteristics. The customers, although diverse in nature, have something in common: addicted customers, as several interviewees have mentioned, are desperate to ensure their consumption. These are typically homeless, prostitutes, bars’ employees, partygoers and foreigners/ travellers. Respondents also indicate the presence of undercover police officers, which may arise as customers. Thus, it is essential to develop skills allowing them to distinguish the undercover police officers from regular customers. Regarding drug use, respondents assert themselves using mostly alcohol and cannabis. However, several admitted to having used a large variety of intoxicants during their lives.

L’image qu’a la population du phénomène des gangs est fortement influencée par les médias. Les informations véhiculées par les journaux et par les canaux de nouvelles mettent généralement l’emphase sur les stéréotypes associés aux gangs et aux comportements de ces derniers. Ceci a pour conséquence de rehausser la crainte que développe la population à l’endroit des gangs de rue. Dans un contexte où le phénomène des gangs paraît devenu omniprésent dans nos quartiers, nos villes et représente une problématique en expansion dans plusieurs grandes villes du Québec et du Canada, une attention particulière portée au trafic de drogues fait par les membres de gangs de rue, reconnu par plusieurs comme la principale activité des gangs de rue, revêt sans nul doute un grand intérêt. Obtenir la description la plus précise possible, faite par des membres ou d’ex-membres de gangs de rue, à partir de leurs connaissances concernant le trafic de drogues étant donné leur appartenance et leur implication dans les activités d’un gang de rue et, le cas échéant, le trafic de drogues effectué par ce dernier, représente l’objectif principal de la présente étude. C’est par le biais d’entrevues avec les principaux concernés que le trafic de drogues fait par les membres de gangs est abordé. Au total, quinze entrevues semi-directives ont été réalisées auprès de membres et ex-membres de gangs de rue, tous – à une exception près - pris en charge au Centre jeunesse de Montréal-Institut universitaire. Globalement, il ressort de cette étude qu’en plus du trafic de stupéfiants, les gangs ou les membres de gangs s’adonneraient à une délinquance polymorphe, le trafic étant rarement l’unique source de revenus du gang ou du membre. De plus, le trafic de stupéfiants ne serait pas une activité exclusive aux gangs de rue auxquels appartiennent les membres interviewés. Ainsi, même si l’on retrouve un certain nombre de membres participant à la vente comme activité structurée d’un gang, il est possible pour un membre d’effectuer de la vente de drogues de façon indépendante, tout en étant affilié à un gang de rue. Il appert que la plupart des interviewés font partie d’une clique, s’identifient à une couleur ou à un quartier, et s’approvisionnent en drogues auprès de membres plus âgés et hauts placés dans la structure des gangs de rue, que les répondants identifient comme étant les vétérans. En ce qui les concerne, les répondants signalent l’importance de gagner la confiance des plus haut placés s’ils souhaitent débuter et évoluer dans la vente de stupéfiants. Lorsque la confiance est présente et que le nouveau vendeur débute ses activités, soit il s’approprie un territoire, généralement à l’intérieur de son quartier, soit on lui fournit un endroit de vente où il peut « travailler ». La présence d’un membre de la famille déjà affilié à un gang paraît faciliter le processus d’accès des nouveaux à l’activité de trafic. Lorsque les interviewés abordent l’aspect du territoire de vente, plusieurs dimensions viennent s’y greffer : la compétition, les conflits, les interactions avec les gangs ennemis et la violence, pour ne nommer que celles-là. Les interviewés indiquent vendre une certaine variété de drogues, le cannabis et le crack représentant les deux drogues les plus couramment citées. La marge de profits varierait, entre autres, en fonction du type de drogue vendue, du quartier et des caractéristiques de la clientèle. Cette dernière, malgré qu’elle soit diversifiée, comporte une constante : les consommateurs dépendants sont, comme plusieurs interviewés l’ont mentionné, prêts à tout pour assurer leur consommation. Les consommateurs sont ordinairement des étudiants, des propriétaires de commerces, des employés de bars, des travailleurs de la construction, des itinérants, des prostitués, des fêtards, des voyageurs de passage à Montréal. Les répondants dénotent également la présence de policiers, agents doubles, pouvant se présenter comme clients. Ceci étant, il leur apparaît essentiel de développer des habiletés permettant de détecter la présence policière et la distinguer des clients réguliers. Côté consommation, les interviewés affirment se limiter presqu’essentiellement à l’alcool et au cannabis. Néanmoins, plusieurs avouent avoir consommé une grande variété d’intoxicants au cours de leur vie. Plusieurs signalent qu’une trop grande consommation nuit à la vente de stupéfiants. / In a context where the gang phenomenon has become omnipresent in our neighbourhoods and represents a growing problem in several large cities in Quebec and Canada, paying particular attention to drug trafficking by members of street gangs is undoubtedly of great interest. The media strongly influences the image of gang phenomenon. As information conveyed by newspapers and news channels focus on the stereotypes associated with gangs and their behaviour, it enhances the fear that society has regarding street gangs. That being said, to shed light on gangs and their activities is an interest. We chose to focus on drug trafficking which is common in street gangs. The main objective of this research is to obtain the most accurate description and knowledge of drug trafficking from present and former street gang members related to their knowledge of drug trafficking as a result of their membership and their involvement in street gang activities. Drug trafficking is addressed through interviews with gang members. In total, fifteen semi-directive interviews were conducted among present and former gang members. All respondents but one were from the Centre jeunesse de Montréal-Institut universitaire. Overall, this study allows us to understand that in addition to drug trafficking, gangs or gang members indulge in polymorphic criminal activities; drug trafficking is rarely the sole source of income. Moreover, drug trafficking is not an activity exclusive to street gangs. Thus, even if a number of members are involved in drug sales as a structured gang activity, it is possible for a member to sell drugs on a freelance basis while being affiliated with a street gang. It appears that most respondents are part of a clique, identify a color or a district and buy drugs from older and higher ranked members that respondents identify as veterans. Regarding the veterans, respondents indicated the importance of being trusted by the highest ranked if they wish to evolve in the drug sales market. When trust is present and the new seller begins his activities, either he takes over a turf, usually within his area, or the veteran provides a place where the new seller can "work". The presence of a family member already affiliated to a gang seems to facilitate the process of access to new trafficking activities. There are several dimensions associated with the territory aspect according to the interviewees such as: competition, conflict, interactions with rival gangs and violence, to name a few. Members indicate selling a variety of drugs, cannabis and crack representing the two most commonly cited drugs. The profit margin varies among the type of drugs sold, the district and of customers’ characteristics. The customers, although diverse in nature, have something in common: addicted customers, as several interviewees have mentioned, are desperate to ensure their consumption. These are typically homeless, prostitutes, bars’ employees, partygoers and foreigners/ travellers. Respondents also indicate the presence of undercover police officers, which may arise as customers. Thus, it is essential to develop skills allowing them to distinguish the undercover police officers from regular customers. Regarding drug use, respondents assert themselves using mostly alcohol and cannabis. However, several admitted to having used a large variety of intoxicants during their lives.

Prison gangs are currently rife in South African correctional centres. Correctional officers and fellow offenders are frequently attacked by gang members, facilities are damaged and inmates are injured or killed in fights or during fires in correctional centres. Severe gang violence occurred at the Polls moor and Rustenburg correctional facilities at the end of 2016 and inexperienced correctional officers lacked the expertise to suppress the violence. This state of affairs necessitates further study into the management of prison gangs. Given the above background, this study aimed to examine how correctional facilities can suppress gang activity. The study provides an overview of the history of gangs in South Africa and shows how community gangs spread to prisons. This is followed by a meticulous documentation of the different elements of gang culture by means of observation in an effort to arm future correctional officers with knowledge regarding gangs. The findings of the observation revealed that gangs each have a unique way of greeting, using hand gestures, tattoos and verbal greetings. These communicative acts can be used as part of a strategy to prevent new offenders from becoming involved in gang activity. The observational research was confirmed by means of qualitative research. The experiences of gang members were examined by means of questionnaires to better understand the dynamic. The qualitative study was conducted at four correctional facilities, namely a maximum, medium A and medium B facility and a town youth facility. These different facilities ensured that all age groups were represented. Questionnaires were distributed to offenders who voluntarily consented to participating in the research. The literature study showed that South Africa has good legislature and policies in place, but that they have to be implemented more strictly and that the correctional officers have to be empowered by an increase in human resources and funding. In addition to capacity building, the strategic framework presented as part of the study suggests that supervision of gang members should be sharpened by for instance reconsidering the lay-out of correctional facilities. Gang members should be involved in rehabilitation programmes, which are frequently available, but not implemented. Correctional officers should be trained to manage gang members and legislation and policies should be revised frequently, as criminals tend to adjust their modus operandi continuously. The suggested framework can be of great value to the Department of Correctional Services, as managing gang activity in correctional centres can greatly change the efforts of the department to rehabilitate offenders. / Corrections Management / M. Tech. (Correctional Services Management)

Although the government of the United States of America was established to protect the rights to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness among all American citizens, this thesis argues intractable gang violence in inner-city Chicago has persistently denied these rights, in turn undermining fundamental (and foundational) American political values. Thus, gang violence can be argued to represent a threat to both civil order and state legitimacy. Yet, where comparable (and generally lower) levels of community-level violence in Northern Ireland garnered the sustained attention and direct involvement of the United Kingdom's central government, the challenge posed by gang violence has been unappreciated, if not ignored, by the American federal government. In order to mobilise the political commitment and resources needed to find a durable resolution to Chicago's long and often anarchic 'uncivil war', it is first necessary to politicise the problem and its origins. Contributing to this politicisation, this thesis explains why gang violence in Chicago has been unable to capture the political imagination of the American government in a way akin to paramilitary (specifically republican) violence in Northern Ireland. Secondly, it explains how the depoliticisation of gang violence has negatively affected response, encouraging the continued application of inadequate and largely ineffective response strategies. Finally, it makes the case that, while radical, a conditional agreement-centric peace process loosely modelled on that employed in Northern Ireland might offer the most effective strategy for restoring the sense of peace and security to inner-city Chicago lost over half a century ago.

Youth Centres such as Faure Youth Centre provide a challenge to questions such as violence and crime. This qualitative research journey started at Faure Youth Centre using narrative pastoral care and counselling and participatory action research to assist the young people there to find alternative ways of standing against violence and crime. Changing circumstances at Faure however, paved the way for the research to follow another direction. This resulted in different voices to emerge and for my family to receive an unexpected `gift' in the process. The `gift' that my pastoral care and counselling at Faure gave to my family initiated a process of change in us and transformed it into a spiralling journey of challenging patriarchal practices and finding alternative ways of living. / Practical Theology / M.Th. (Practical Theology)

Thesis (DTh (Practical Theology and Missiology))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Gangsterism, as described in this study, is a serious problem. It has deep historical roots in Cape town has developed into a kind of ‘resident evil’ that rears its ugly head time and again, despite several efforts by state organs to crush it. The study was not attempted as a thorough and in-depth research on gangs as such. The main research question was: How do faith communities, in particular Christian churches, respond to the challenges of gangsterism on the Cape Flats. The research gives an overview of gangsterism as a global phenomenon and how it specifically manifests and presents itself within the context of the Cape Flats of Cape Town. The discussion of gangsterism deliberately wanted to dispel the notion that there are quick-fix solutions to gangsterism. People of faith should guard against superficial analyses and over-simplification of social issues, including gangsterism, poverty and unemployment. With this in mind, the research has traced the historical origins of gangsterism in Cape Town, highlighting various socio-political, economic as well as cultural and personal factors that contributed to the formation and establishment of street gangs. It was also noted how some of these factors still exist in postapartheid South Africa and continue to provide fertile ground for gangsterism to continually raise its ugly head in communities on the Cape Flats. It was important to note that many gangs have evolved from ordinary street gangs to sophisticated, high-profile crime syndicates that have built strongholds in poor communities. This furthermore underlines the fact that there are not quick-fix solutions to gangsterism as if it is only a few youngsters causing trouble that should be sorted out [Chapter 2]. Faith communities on the Cape Flats have come a long way themselves. These communities have shown an incredible resilience in the face of many challenges as a result of socio-political factors. It is therefore important to discuss some of the elements that contributed to this resilience as the research explores the nature of the ecclesiology that has developed over a period of time. What transpired is that the ecclesiology under discussion is dynamic, not static in nature. The type of ecclesiology on the Cape Flats may be called a social-systemic ministry of inter-contextual presence. It is responsive to the social context, and is kept alive by the context with a huge emphasis on orthopraxy rather than orthodoxy. The situation on the Cape Flats requires a missional ecclesiology as faith communities are challenged to continuously involve themselves in the mission dei. While reaching out to the world, faith communities are also called iv upon to be open, practicing hospitality as they welcome gangsters and ex-gangsters into their spaces of worship [Chapter 3]. The next question to explore is: What kind of pastoral care is needed when faith communities on the Cape Flats have to deal with the challenge of gangsterism and other social phenomena like poverty, unemployment and substance-abuse? In order to answer this question, it was necessary to trace back the development of pastoral care and counseling over many centuries. Learning from these historical developments, a communal-contextual paradigm for pastoral care was chosen as a base theory. This choice indicates a move away from individual care with a focus on the human “self” to a hermeneutics of systemic, public care and compassionate presence. Some of the elements of this kind of care is discussed which include contextuality, as well as the eco-systemic, hermeneutical, anthropological, relational and public nature of pastoral care. It is also important that pastoral care operates and is practiced inter-disciplinary in order to provide the best possible help to care-seekers. The final question that is posed is: How different is the care that faith communities provide from the care of any other welfare agency or non-governmental organization (NGO)? In order to link an eco-systemic and social hermeneutic paradigm to the theology of presence of God within communal and contextual systems, a pneumatological approach to theory formation in pastoral care is proposed. Pastoral care has to offer more than behavioural and social sciences, because we believe that the salvation and grace it offers are good news to people. Pastoral care offers not only comfort and consolation, but also transformation (change and growth) and the fostering of a mature faith and spirituality by means of Scripture, prayer and the sacraments within the communion sanctorum, the familia dei. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Gangsterisme, soos dit in hierdie studie beskryf word, is ‘n ernstige probleem. Dit het diep historiese wortels in Kaapstad, wat met die verloop van tyd ontwikkel het in ‘n tipe ‘plaaslike euwel’ wat gereeld kop uitsteek, ten spyte van talle pogings deur staatsorganisasies om dit uit te roei. Die studie is nie aangepak met die doel om ‘n deeglike en in diepte navorsing te wees op bendes as sodanig nie. Die hoof navorsingsvraag was: Hoe reageer geloofsgemeenskappe, meer spesifiek Christelike kerke, op die uitdagings van gangsterisme op die Kaapse Vlakte? ‘n Oorsig word gegee van gangsterisme as ‘n wêreldwye verskynsel en hoe dit spesifiek manifesteer en voorkom in die konteks van die Kaapse Vlakte van Kaapstad. Die bespreking van gangsterisme stel ten doel om die idee te verwerp dat eenvoudige oplossings te vinde is vir gangsterisme. Gelowige mense moet waak teen oppervlakkige ontledings en oorvereenvoudiging van sosiale aangeleenthede, insluitend gangsterisme, armoede en werkloosheid. Gedagtig hieraan, het die navorsing die historiese oorsprong van gangsterisme in Kaapstad nagetrek, met klem op die verskeie sosio-politiese, ekonomiese sowel as die kulturele en persoonlike faktore wat bygedra het tot die vorming en vestiging van straatbendes. Melding was ook gemaak van die feit dat sommige van hierdie faktore steeds bestaan in post-apartheid Suid-Afrika en voortgaan om ‘n geskikte milieu te skep vir gangsterisme om voortdurend kop uit te steek in gemeenskappe op die Kaapse Vlakte. Dit was belangrik om te vermeld dat bendes ontwikkel het van gewone straatbendes na gesofistikeerde, hoë profiel misdaadsindikate wat hulle ingegrawe het in arm gemeenskappe. Dit bevestig verder dat daar geen eenvoudige oplossings is vir gangsterisme, asof dit slegs ‘n paar jongelinge is wat kwaad aanvang en uitgesorteer behoort te word. Geloofsgemeenskappe op die Kaapse Vlakte het self ook ‘n lang pad gestap. Hierdie gemeenskappe het ‘n ongelooflike weerstand getoon in die aangesig van menigte uitdagings as gevolg van sosio-politiese faktore. Gevolglik is dit belangrik om sommige van die elemente te bespreek wat bygedra het tot hierdie weerstand in die lig van die bespreking van die aard van die ekklesiologie soos dit met die verloop van tyd ontwikkel het. Dit het geblyk dat die ekklesiologie onder bespreking dinamies en nie staties van aard is. Die ekklesiologie van die Kaapse Vlakte kan na verwys word as ‘n sosiaal-sistemiese bediening van inter-kontekstuele teenwoordigheid. Dit reageer op die sosiale konteks, en word aan die gang gehou deur die konteks, met meer klem op ortopraksie eerder as op ortodoksie. Die situasie op die Kaapse Vlakte vereis ‘n missionale ekklesiologie soos geloofsgemeenskappe voortdurend uitgedaag vi word om hulle te betrek in die mission dei. Wyl hulle uitreik na die wêreld, word geloofsgemeenskappe ook opgeroep om toeganklik en gasvry te wees teenoor bendelede en gewese bendelede deur hulle in hul midde in plekke van aanbidding te verwelkom. Die volgende vraag om te ondersoek is die vraag na die tipe pastorale sorg wat nodig is wanneer geloofsgemeenskappe op die Kaapse Vlakte te doene het met die uitdagings van gangsterisme en ander sosiale verskynsels soos armoede, werkloosheid en dwelmmisbruik. Om hierdie vraag te kan beantwoord, was dit nodig om die ontwikkeling van pastorale sorg en berading oor die eeue na te speur. Gegrond op hierdie historiese ontwikkelinge, is besluit op ‘n gemeenskaplik-kontekstuele paradigma as basis teorie vir pastorale sorg. Hierdie keuse dui op ‘n wegbreek van individuele versorging met die fokus op die menslike ‘self’ na ‘n hermeneutiek van sistemiese, publieke sorg en medelye teenwoordigheid. Sommige van die elemente van hierdie tipe sorg word bespreek, wat kontekstualiteit insluit, sowel as die eko—sistemiese, hermeneutiese, antropologiese, relasionele en publieke aard van pastorale sorg. Dit is verder ook belangrik om kennis te neem dat pastorale sorg interdissiplinêr werksaam is en uitgevoer word om die bes moontlike sorg te bied aan diegene wat om sorg aanklop. Die laaste vraag wat gestel word: Hoe verskil die sorg wat deur geloofsgemeenskappe voorsien word van die sorg van enige ander welsynsorganisasie of nie-regeringsorganisasie (NRO)? Om ‘n eko-sistemiese en sosiaal hermeneutiese paradigma te verbind met die teologie van teenwoordigheid van God binne gemeenskaplike en kontekstuele sisteme word ‘n pneumatologiese benadering tot teorie vorming in pastorale sorg voorgestel. Pastorale sorg het meer om te bied as die gedrags- en sosiale wetenskappe, want ons glo dat die verlossing en genade wat dit bied goeie nuus is vir mense. Pastorale sorg bied nie net bemoediging en vertroosting nie, maar ook transformasie (verandering en groei) en die kweking van ‘n volwasse geloof en spiritualiteit deur middel van Skrif, gebed en die sakramente binne die communion sanctorum, die familia dei.

published_or_final_version / Social Work / Master / Master of Social Sciences

Objectifs. L’objectif de ce mémoire est d’améliorer les connaissances quant à l’effet des interventions policières sur la violence imputable aux bandes criminelles. À travers l’évaluation des cinq plus importantes opérations policières réalisées entre 1991 et 2008 au Québec, trois modèles conceptuels sont confrontés : 1) celui du marché qui prévoit une hausse des affrontements entres bandes rivales dont le but est de prendre possession d’un marché criminel maintenant disponible en raison du retrait d’un joueur clé, 2) celui de la dissuasion qui prévoit une baisse des violences criminelles, et 3) celui de l’attrition qui envisage une baisse des violences en raison de l’essoufflement des bandes. Méthodologie. Les données de cette étude proviennent de l’Enquête générale sur les homicides de Statistique Canada. Différents taux d’homicides furent agrégés sur une base annuelle pour différentes provinces et régions métropolitaines de recensement. Des analyses de séries chronologiques interrompues furent ensuite réalisées pour estimer l’effet des interventions policières. Résultats. L’opération Printemps 2001 est la seule intervention policière à être associée à une baisse significative des homicides reliés aux bandes criminelles. « Sans-Frontière », « Colisée » et les deux escouades Carcajou de Montréal et de Québec, n’ont produit aucun effet préventif notable. Au contraire, Carcajou Montréal et Québec ont été associées à une hausse des homicides liés aux gangs. Conclusion. Les présents résultats appuient davantage la thèse de la dissuasion que celles du marché ou de l’attrition. Afin de produire un effet de dissuasion, les résultats suggèrent que l’intervention policière doit : 1) cibler un nombre important de membres de l’organisation criminelle, 2) s’attaquer aux têtes dirigeantes, 3) assurer la neutralisation des membres de l’organisation, et 4) assurer la diffusion du message pénal auprès des délinquants concernés. D’autres études sont toutefois nécessaires pour estimer l’effet des interventions policières dans d’autres contextes. / Objectives. The objective of this dissertation is to further our understanding about the effects of police interventions on gang-related violence. Using the five most importance police strikes conducted in the Province of Quebec between 1991 and 2008, the relevance of three conceptual frameworks is compared: (1) the market thesis that predicts an increase in gang-related violence for the possession of illicit markets, following the withdrawal of a key player, (2) the deterrence/neutralization model that predicts a decrease in gang-related violence, and (3) the attrition model which predicts a gradual decline in violence (due to losses suffered by each party during a conflict). Methodology. Data come from the Homicide Surveys conducted by Statistics Canada. Various homicide rates were aggregated on an annual basis for different Canadian Provinces and metropolitan census areas. Pooled time series analyses were then conducted to estimate effects of police interventions. Results. Operation “Printemps 2001” is the sole police intervention to be associated with a significant decline in gang-related homicides. “Sans-Frontières”, “Colisée”, and both Wolverine squads, launched in the cities of Quebec and Montreal, did not produce any noticeable preventive effect. On the opposite, Wolverine Quebec was associated with an increase in gang-related homicides. Conclusion. The present results rather support the deterrence thesis than the market and attrition models. In order to produce deterrence, police interventions have to: (1) target a significant fraction of the members of the criminal organization, (2) target the leaders, (3) neutralize members of the organization, and (4) make sure that likely sanctions are known by potential offenders. Other studies are, however, required to estimate the impact of police interventions in other settings.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:29:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Luiz Roberto Ungaretti de Godoy.pdf: 1031128 bytes, checksum: 4a19828b9eaf2df445514cefb358c4a3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-10-27 / This study is devoted to the elaboration of the evolution of Organized Crime in the national and international scenery and its main reflexes in our Country, based not only on the Brazilian Law, but also in the Foreign Law the Judicial Precedent, as well as the undoubtedly relevance of Treaties and Conventions linked to the subject. The Brazilian legislation does not consider the typical profile of a criminal organization, though the Brazilian Judicial ordainment has already consolidated in several laws which discipline, directly or indirectly the Organized Crime, once it is extremely important we should highlight the reception of the Brazilian Legal System of the Palermo Convention (United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime).Which has adapted a definition for the transnational Criminal Organization. In the course this study we would try to perform an analysis of several organizations, associations, mafias, gangs, among others identified in the word scenery with a focus in the Organized Crime in Brazil. It s important to highlight that each of the criminal groups has its own characteristics taking on account its constitution and its peculates in the modus operandi, making it impossible to draw a draw a hermetic profile of each one. This way the target of the present study is not a search for a typical definition of a would be criminal organization, but to show the main characteristics of Organized Crime in the current scenery, based on the history of development and in the act themselves performed by these groups. At last we haven t left aside the great discussion which involves the subject which are the reflexes of the actions performed by the criminal transnational organizations, as well as the question of which criminal law to use once the groups mentioned act simultaneously in several different countries / Este estudo dedica-se à elaboração da evolução do crime organizado no cenário nacional e internacional e seus principais reflexos no nosso País, amparado não só na legislação brasileira e comparada, na casuística, como também na indubitável relevância dos tratados e convenções pertinentes à matéria. A legislação Pátria não contempla a figura típica da organização criminosa, contudo, o ordenamento jurídico brasileiro consolidou-a em diversas leis que disciplinam direta ou indiretamente o crime organizado. Por ser de relevante importância, merece destaque a recepção pelo ordenamento jurídico brasileiro da Convenção de Palermo, (Convenção das Nações Unidas contra o Crime Organizado Transnacional), a qual adotou uma definição para a organização criminosa transnacional. No transcorrer desse estudo, será realizada uma análise comparativa entre as diversas organizações, associações, quadrilhas, máfias e outros grupos identificados no cenário mundial, com evidência à criminalidade organizada brasileira. Convém ressaltar que cada um dos grupos criminosos possui características próprias, levando-se em conta sua constituição e peculiaridades no modus operandi; dessa forma, torna-se impossível traçar um perfil hermético sobre cada um deles. O objetivo do presente estudo não se dirige à busca de uma definição típica do que seria organização criminosa, mas sim demonstrar suas principais características no cenário contemporâneo, com base no histórico, na evolução e nas próprias condutas praticadas por esses grupos. Não se pode desconsiderar a seriedade da matéria, diante dos reflexos das ações praticadas pelas organizações criminosas transnacionais, bem como a aplicação da Lei Penal, uma vez que muitos atuam, simultaneamente, em diferentes países