Segregation is increasing in Sweden, and the political discourse about violence in Swedish suburbs has intensified dramatically throughout the last years. Segregated areas are often described as dangerous areas with a lot of insecurities. In this paper, I´m going to present a case study of Botkyrka municipality which is in south Stockholm. The purpose of this study is to see if media and political discourse are stigmatizing Botkyrka or not. By interviewing people living in Botkyrka, I get their perspective of living in Botkyrka municipality. This case study can be exemplifying a case study of suburbs in Stockholm as the discourse can be similar to other suburbs in Stockholm. This case study is following an abductive qualitative approach using theories as neighborhood-effect, segregation, and territorial stigma to answer the research questions “Does the image of Botkyrka municipality presented by political actors and media create territorial stigmatization of Botkyrka municipality?” and  “What are Botkyrka municipality as an organization doing to decrease segregation, and what are the biggest challenges in their work?” Interviews are conducted both randomly in chosen areas and in-depth interviews with chosen respondents. Findings from this case study show that certain areas of Botkyrka are stigmatized, that citizens in Botkyrka refer to some areas as dangerous, which is also presented in political discourse and media, as events taking place in these areas are referred to Botkyrka, it creates a territorial stigma of Botkyrka municipality. As some neighborhoods in Botkyrka is affected more negatively by school segregation, youth in these areas face a higher risk of getting excluded from society and fall into a destructive way of living, as influences among youth living in low-economic neighborhoods are strong predictors of negative behaviors, such as drug abuse, crime, and participation in the job market. Territorial stigma and the neighborhood-effect becomes obstacles in the work of decreasing segregation, further, inequality is an obstacle in the work of decreasing segregation. The unequal access to different key resources as housing, education, and jobs are great challenges in process of decreasing segregation.

The code of silence is a major social issue because it obstructs the work against criminal networks. It is based on the fact that members of the networks tend not to report crimes or testify, partly due to the norm of not talking to representatives of the judiciary and due to the risk of being subjected to violence. The aim of this qualitative study is to gain a deeper understanding of the code of silence as a phenomenon within criminal networks. The study is based on interviews with former members of criminal networks. Previous research has shown that legitimacy of violence does not deter members from prosecution. Members also find it difficult to leave the network due to the social relationship. The interviewees emphasize that there is a code of silence towards the police and other members. A deeply imprinted behavior persists till today. The conclusion is that the code of silence towards the police is considered to be an essential part of the network, which is maintained due to violence and learned behavior. The emotional bonds that remain towards the network are the reasons for the participants behavior still being pervaded by a code of silence. / Tystnadskultur är ett stort samhällsproblem eftersom det försvårar arbetet mot kriminella nätverk. Det baseras på att medlemmar tenderar att inte anmäla brott eller vittna, dels på grund av normen kring att inte prata med rättsväsendets representanter och dels på grund av risken att utsättas för våld om de gör det. Syftet med denna kvalitativa studie att få djupare förståelse för tystnadskulturen som fenomen inom de kriminella nätverken. Studien baseras på intervjuer med före detta medlemmar av kriminella nätverk. Tidigare forskning har visat att våldets legitimitet inte avskräcker medlemmar från lagföring och straff. Medlemmar har också svårt att lämna på grund av den sociala relationen till nätverket. Studien baseras på intervjuer med före detta medlemmar av kriminella nätverk. Intervjupersonerna betonar att det finns tystnadskultur både mot polis och andra medlemmar. Det är även ett djupt präglat beteende som finns kvar även idag. Slutsatsen är att tystnadskulturen mot polisen är viktigt för nätverkets struktur. Den upprätthålls på grund av rädsla för våldet och betraktas som ett inlärt beteende. Den emotionella relationen som finns kvar mot nätverket gör att intervjupersonernas vardagliga beteende fortfarande präglas av tystnadskulturen.

In Sweden, there is an intense and politicized debate about the phenomenon of firearm-related violence by criminal gangs, especially among Sweden's parliamentary parties. The purpose of the following study is to explain how a phenomenon is constructed and managed politically by the government and the opposition. The focus will be on how framing and accountability are exerted concerning gang-related shootings in Swedish politics. The theory that will be used to analyze the political game is Boin, ‘t Hart and McConnell's theoretical framework about framing and crisis exploitation. The study shows that even though different frameworks are used, there is an existing consensus among the political parties Socialdemokraterna, Moderaterna and Vänsterpartiet that firearm-related violence by criminal gangs is considered a crisis in Swedish politics. It is evident that the government chooses to deny responsibility while the opposition focus on blaming the government. It was therefore concluded that the outcome of the political game regarding firearm-related violence by criminal gangs will be a ‘blame showdown’, where the political implications are difficult to apprehend.

The aim of this study is to get a better understanding of the transition out of an aberrantclosed group. This thematic literature study is based on 16 articles of people leaving criminalgangs, closed religious groups, and white supremacy groups. The different articles focus onprocesses that lead people to leaving their groups or the different changes and experiencespeople went through as they left. Three themes highlight the common experiences oftransitioning out of these groups are: disillusion, the experience of loss, and the struggle withcreating a new identity. Some people experienced disillusionment with their groups whilethey were still inside the group while others' experience of disillusionment with their formergroup came after they had left it. People who left their groups often began to shift their pointof reference, whereby they started to compare themself with norms and values that existed intheir new setting, although this could take time. Their previous group's narratives sometimesweighed heavily on their minds. Some people felt as if they had gone astray after they hadleft their former groups. The disillusionment and the different losses people went throughlead some of the people into what can be described as an identity crisis. A place where somefelt not only alienated from their former group or the society that they entered but sometimesalso felt alienated from themself, a mental state of disorientation. Some people struggled withwhat can be referred to as a hangover identity. Although they tried to get rid of their previousideas and thought patterns they were still haunted by them. For some people their newidentities both helped them distance themselves from thoughts and feelings connected to theirformer identity but also helped them see themself as something else then a former member oftheir group. Others struggled to access desired roles and identity. They instead experiencedthe pains of goal failure where they were held back because of societal views of their formerroles.

Objectifs. L’objectif de ce mémoire est d’améliorer les connaissances quant à l’effet des interventions policières sur la violence imputable aux bandes criminelles. À travers l’évaluation des cinq plus importantes opérations policières réalisées entre 1991 et 2008 au Québec, trois modèles conceptuels sont confrontés : 1) celui du marché qui prévoit une hausse des affrontements entres bandes rivales dont le but est de prendre possession d’un marché criminel maintenant disponible en raison du retrait d’un joueur clé, 2) celui de la dissuasion qui prévoit une baisse des violences criminelles, et 3) celui de l’attrition qui envisage une baisse des violences en raison de l’essoufflement des bandes. Méthodologie. Les données de cette étude proviennent de l’Enquête générale sur les homicides de Statistique Canada. Différents taux d’homicides furent agrégés sur une base annuelle pour différentes provinces et régions métropolitaines de recensement. Des analyses de séries chronologiques interrompues furent ensuite réalisées pour estimer l’effet des interventions policières. Résultats. L’opération Printemps 2001 est la seule intervention policière à être associée à une baisse significative des homicides reliés aux bandes criminelles. « Sans-Frontière », « Colisée » et les deux escouades Carcajou de Montréal et de Québec, n’ont produit aucun effet préventif notable. Au contraire, Carcajou Montréal et Québec ont été associées à une hausse des homicides liés aux gangs. Conclusion. Les présents résultats appuient davantage la thèse de la dissuasion que celles du marché ou de l’attrition. Afin de produire un effet de dissuasion, les résultats suggèrent que l’intervention policière doit : 1) cibler un nombre important de membres de l’organisation criminelle, 2) s’attaquer aux têtes dirigeantes, 3) assurer la neutralisation des membres de l’organisation, et 4) assurer la diffusion du message pénal auprès des délinquants concernés. D’autres études sont toutefois nécessaires pour estimer l’effet des interventions policières dans d’autres contextes. / Objectives. The objective of this dissertation is to further our understanding about the effects of police interventions on gang-related violence. Using the five most importance police strikes conducted in the Province of Quebec between 1991 and 2008, the relevance of three conceptual frameworks is compared: (1) the market thesis that predicts an increase in gang-related violence for the possession of illicit markets, following the withdrawal of a key player, (2) the deterrence/neutralization model that predicts a decrease in gang-related violence, and (3) the attrition model which predicts a gradual decline in violence (due to losses suffered by each party during a conflict). Methodology. Data come from the Homicide Surveys conducted by Statistics Canada. Various homicide rates were aggregated on an annual basis for different Canadian Provinces and metropolitan census areas. Pooled time series analyses were then conducted to estimate effects of police interventions. Results. Operation “Printemps 2001” is the sole police intervention to be associated with a significant decline in gang-related homicides. “Sans-Frontières”, “Colisée”, and both Wolverine squads, launched in the cities of Quebec and Montreal, did not produce any noticeable preventive effect. On the opposite, Wolverine Quebec was associated with an increase in gang-related homicides. Conclusion. The present results rather support the deterrence thesis than the market and attrition models. In order to produce deterrence, police interventions have to: (1) target a significant fraction of the members of the criminal organization, (2) target the leaders, (3) neutralize members of the organization, and (4) make sure that likely sanctions are known by potential offenders. Other studies are, however, required to estimate the impact of police interventions in other settings.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:29:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Luiz Roberto Ungaretti de Godoy.pdf: 1031128 bytes, checksum: 4a19828b9eaf2df445514cefb358c4a3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-10-27 / This study is devoted to the elaboration of the evolution of Organized Crime in the national and international scenery and its main reflexes in our Country, based not only on the Brazilian Law, but also in the Foreign Law the Judicial Precedent, as well as the undoubtedly relevance of Treaties and Conventions linked to the subject. The Brazilian legislation does not consider the typical profile of a criminal organization, though the Brazilian Judicial ordainment has already consolidated in several laws which discipline, directly or indirectly the Organized Crime, once it is extremely important we should highlight the reception of the Brazilian Legal System of the Palermo Convention (United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime).Which has adapted a definition for the transnational Criminal Organization. In the course this study we would try to perform an analysis of several organizations, associations, mafias, gangs, among others identified in the word scenery with a focus in the Organized Crime in Brazil. It s important to highlight that each of the criminal groups has its own characteristics taking on account its constitution and its peculates in the modus operandi, making it impossible to draw a draw a hermetic profile of each one. This way the target of the present study is not a search for a typical definition of a would be criminal organization, but to show the main characteristics of Organized Crime in the current scenery, based on the history of development and in the act themselves performed by these groups. At last we haven t left aside the great discussion which involves the subject which are the reflexes of the actions performed by the criminal transnational organizations, as well as the question of which criminal law to use once the groups mentioned act simultaneously in several different countries / Este estudo dedica-se à elaboração da evolução do crime organizado no cenário nacional e internacional e seus principais reflexos no nosso País, amparado não só na legislação brasileira e comparada, na casuística, como também na indubitável relevância dos tratados e convenções pertinentes à matéria. A legislação Pátria não contempla a figura típica da organização criminosa, contudo, o ordenamento jurídico brasileiro consolidou-a em diversas leis que disciplinam direta ou indiretamente o crime organizado. Por ser de relevante importância, merece destaque a recepção pelo ordenamento jurídico brasileiro da Convenção de Palermo, (Convenção das Nações Unidas contra o Crime Organizado Transnacional), a qual adotou uma definição para a organização criminosa transnacional. No transcorrer desse estudo, será realizada uma análise comparativa entre as diversas organizações, associações, quadrilhas, máfias e outros grupos identificados no cenário mundial, com evidência à criminalidade organizada brasileira. Convém ressaltar que cada um dos grupos criminosos possui características próprias, levando-se em conta sua constituição e peculiaridades no modus operandi; dessa forma, torna-se impossível traçar um perfil hermético sobre cada um deles. O objetivo do presente estudo não se dirige à busca de uma definição típica do que seria organização criminosa, mas sim demonstrar suas principais características no cenário contemporâneo, com base no histórico, na evolução e nas próprias condutas praticadas por esses grupos. Não se pode desconsiderar a seriedade da matéria, diante dos reflexos das ações praticadas pelas organizações criminosas transnacionais, bem como a aplicação da Lei Penal, uma vez que muitos atuam, simultaneamente, em diferentes países

Objectifs. L’objectif de ce mémoire est d’améliorer les connaissances quant à l’effet des interventions policières sur la violence imputable aux bandes criminelles. À travers l’évaluation des cinq plus importantes opérations policières réalisées entre 1991 et 2008 au Québec, trois modèles conceptuels sont confrontés : 1) celui du marché qui prévoit une hausse des affrontements entres bandes rivales dont le but est de prendre possession d’un marché criminel maintenant disponible en raison du retrait d’un joueur clé, 2) celui de la dissuasion qui prévoit une baisse des violences criminelles, et 3) celui de l’attrition qui envisage une baisse des violences en raison de l’essoufflement des bandes. Méthodologie. Les données de cette étude proviennent de l’Enquête générale sur les homicides de Statistique Canada. Différents taux d’homicides furent agrégés sur une base annuelle pour différentes provinces et régions métropolitaines de recensement. Des analyses de séries chronologiques interrompues furent ensuite réalisées pour estimer l’effet des interventions policières. Résultats. L’opération Printemps 2001 est la seule intervention policière à être associée à une baisse significative des homicides reliés aux bandes criminelles. « Sans-Frontière », « Colisée » et les deux escouades Carcajou de Montréal et de Québec, n’ont produit aucun effet préventif notable. Au contraire, Carcajou Montréal et Québec ont été associées à une hausse des homicides liés aux gangs. Conclusion. Les présents résultats appuient davantage la thèse de la dissuasion que celles du marché ou de l’attrition. Afin de produire un effet de dissuasion, les résultats suggèrent que l’intervention policière doit : 1) cibler un nombre important de membres de l’organisation criminelle, 2) s’attaquer aux têtes dirigeantes, 3) assurer la neutralisation des membres de l’organisation, et 4) assurer la diffusion du message pénal auprès des délinquants concernés. D’autres études sont toutefois nécessaires pour estimer l’effet des interventions policières dans d’autres contextes. / Objectives. The objective of this dissertation is to further our understanding about the effects of police interventions on gang-related violence. Using the five most importance police strikes conducted in the Province of Quebec between 1991 and 2008, the relevance of three conceptual frameworks is compared: (1) the market thesis that predicts an increase in gang-related violence for the possession of illicit markets, following the withdrawal of a key player, (2) the deterrence/neutralization model that predicts a decrease in gang-related violence, and (3) the attrition model which predicts a gradual decline in violence (due to losses suffered by each party during a conflict). Methodology. Data come from the Homicide Surveys conducted by Statistics Canada. Various homicide rates were aggregated on an annual basis for different Canadian Provinces and metropolitan census areas. Pooled time series analyses were then conducted to estimate effects of police interventions. Results. Operation “Printemps 2001” is the sole police intervention to be associated with a significant decline in gang-related homicides. “Sans-Frontières”, “Colisée”, and both Wolverine squads, launched in the cities of Quebec and Montreal, did not produce any noticeable preventive effect. On the opposite, Wolverine Quebec was associated with an increase in gang-related homicides. Conclusion. The present results rather support the deterrence thesis than the market and attrition models. In order to produce deterrence, police interventions have to: (1) target a significant fraction of the members of the criminal organization, (2) target the leaders, (3) neutralize members of the organization, and (4) make sure that likely sanctions are known by potential offenders. Other studies are, however, required to estimate the impact of police interventions in other settings.

This essay aims to explore in what way a biased reporting from the media can contribute to a weakening trust among youngsters that politicians can solve problems existing in Sweden as a growing percentage either partly or fully believes are the case. This is stated in a poll issued by the company Ungdomsbarometern AB. During the last year the percentage has risen nine percentiles to 56 % of youngsters aged 15 – 24. In an empirical study the news coverage regarding gang violence in the Swedish news distributors Aftonbladet and SVT is studied under the period September 4 – October 4. The study shows that perspectives in the news coverage that are leaning towards a descriptive an reactive manner as well as descriptions of gangs and gang members are hugely overrepresented. These angles accounts for between 50 and 67 percent of all studied publications. On the other hand perspectives that are more proactive and geared towards possible solutions or alleviations to the crisis with gang violence are very much underrepresented. These perspectives accounts for less than 20 percent of all studied publications.  The results of the studies is then analyzed through the filter of the British sociologist Steven Lukes so called third dimension of power – that is power without conflict between parties and without intention, a sort of  “power over thought”, maintained somehow by the continuing prevalence of  the existing ongoing social order (to put it very briefly).  Seen through the lens of Lukes conception of power it is then argued in the essay that it does matter how events in society are described in the media. A strongly biased media coverage of  an issue in society does exercise an element of mind over thought and might, drawing on Lukes conception of power, contribute to perhaps some extent to an image among the public that the politicians doesn’t have control over the situation with gang violence and thus trust in what politicians could achieve might begin to erode. In the essay it is suggested that teachers in social sciences (“samhällskunskap”) could act as a counterweight to biased media reporting and lift perspectives that are underrepresented in media. It is also suggested that teachers in social sciences promotes discussions and debates and prioritizes the task to foster democratic engaged citizens. / Denna uppsats har som mål  att utforska på vilket sätt en vinklad nyhetsrapportering från media kan bidra till ett minska förtroende hos ungdomar till att politiker kan lösa problem som finns i Sverige, något som en växande procentandel antingen delvis eller helt anser är fallet. Detta är resultatet av en enkät gjord av företaget Ungdomsbarometern AB. Under det senaste året har procentandelen ökat med nio procentenheter till 56 % av ungdomar i åldern 15 – 24 år. I en empirisk studie av Aftonbladets och SVT nyhetsbevakningen av gängkriminalitet undersöktes publiceringar under perioden the period September 4 – 4 Oktober. Undersökningen visar att perspektiv i nyhetsbevakningen  som är deskriptiva och reaktiva , liksom perspektiv där gäng och gängmedlemmar beskrivs är starkt överrepresenterade. Dessa vinklar står för mellan 50 och 67 procent av alla studerade publiceringar. Å andra sidan är perspektiv som är mer proaktiva och inriktade mot möjliga lösningar eller lindringar av gängvåldskrisen starkt underrepresenterade. Dessa perspektiv står för mindre än 20 procent av alla studerade publiceringar.  Resultatet av studien analyseras sedan genom användandet av den brittiske sociologen Steven Lukes så kallade tredje maktdimension, det vill säga makt utan konflikt mellan parter och utan intention – en slags ”makt över tanken”, upprätthållen på sätt och vis genom det fortgående upprätthållandet av den rådande pågående sociala ordningen (mycket kort sammanfattat).  Sett genom Lukes “maktlins” argumenteras det sedan i uppsatsen för att det faktiskt spelar roll hur händelser I samhället beskrivs I media. Baserat på Lukes maktbegrepp kan en starkt vinklad mediebevakning av en samhällsfråga utöva en slags makt över tanken och kanske i viss utsträckning bidra till en bild hos allmänheten att politiker inte har kontroll över situationen med gängkriminalitet, och därmed kan tilltron till vad politiker kan tänkas kunna uppnå börja erodera.  I denna uppsats argumenteras det för att samhällskunskapslärare skulle kunna fungera som en motvikt när vissa perspektiv i medias rapportering i en samhällsfråga har större utrymme i den samlade nyhetsrapporteringen i samhällsfrågan, medan andra perspektiv har mindre utrymme. Det föreslås också att samhällskunskapslärare uppmuntrar diskussioner och debatter och prioriterar uppdraget att fostra demokratiska och engagerade medborgare.