Thesis (Ph.D.)--Boston University / The modern international socialist movement experienced its infancy and childhood in the form of the International Working Men's Association, or First International (1864- 1876). Its maturity seems to have been reached in the wake of the successful Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 with the founding of the Third International, or Comintern, and the expansion of Marxism-Leninism throughout the world under Soviet leadership. The period between these two phases, the adolescence of international socialism, was the period of the Second International (1889- 1914). During this period the socialist movement rose upon its earlier foundations and became a significant social and political force in almost every European nation. At the same time the Russian revolutionary socialist movement was growing within the tsarist empire and among its exiles. While Russian Socialists were developing the strength necessary to overthrow the tsarist regime, they also participated in the Second International. Since no systematic study has been made of the interrelationship between the Second International and the Russian Radicalism of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, this dissertation seeks to demonstrate the extent and nature of Russian participation in the Second International. This study reveals a certain degree of Russian independence from the main stream of European socialism. The Russians stood in opposition to reformism both in theory and in practice. This opposition was due, in part, to the particular state of Russian political and economic growth. As the Russians became aware of the reformist nature of the actions of their international comrades, they became critical of the activities of the Second International. In their response to the outbreak of World War I the Russians did not differ too greatly from other Socialists, but as the Russian socialist movement became increasingly dominated by the Bolsheviks, who stood clearly apart from the leaders of the International on the issue of the war, the independence of the Russians became apparent. These observations suggest that whenever the main stream of thought and action in the Second International ran counter to the basic interests and attitudes of Russian socialism, the Russians assumed a position independent of that mainstream. This independence explains, in part, the relative unimportance of the Russians as a Group in the Second International. It also suggests what the nature of the relationship of Russian socialism to the international socialist movement would be in the years following the Second International. Most Russian Socialists divorced themselves from any effort to revive the Second International and supported the Bolshevik-dominated Third International which was not a representative of international socialism but an instrument and protector of Russian communism. In the Second International the Russian participants assumed their most active role in the open discussions of the congresses and meetings only 2hen the issues directly affected them or were irrelevant to conditions in Russia. It is impossible to rank the contribution of the Russians as a national group, because aside from the Germans and the French, the important roles in the Second International were played by individuals. The primary sources used in this study include the available documents and records of the Second International. This means primarily the records of the congresses of the International, direct reports of the activities of the Second International and its participants, and the pertinent memoirs of its leading figures. The records of the International Socialist Bureau have been lost. Valuable secondary sources were the significant studies of international socialism, the Second International, cand the Russian revolutionary movement. Virtually all relevant material is available in the libraries of the United States.

No description available.

In the aftermath of Argentina’s last dictatorship (1976-1983), the organisations created by the relatives of the disappeared deployed the trope of a ‘wounded family’. The unspoken rule was that only those related by blood to the missing were entitled to ask for justice. This thesis queers this biological tradition. Drawing from performance studies and queer theory, it develops an alternative framework for understanding the transmission of trauma beyond bloodline inscriptions. It shows how grief brought into light an idea of community that exceeds traditional family ties. In order to demonstrate this, the thesis builds an archive of non-normative acts of mourning. This archive crosses different generations. The introduction utilises the Mothers of Plaza de Mayo’s statement ‘Our Children gave birth to us’ as the departure for a non-biological linage. Chapter 1 shows how the black humour that informs H.I.J.O.S., the association created by the children of the disappeared, works as a form of affective reparation in the face of loss. Chapter 2 proposes a dialogue between Los Rubios (Albertina Carri, 2003), M (Nicolás Prividera, 2007) and La mujer sin cabeza (Lucrecia Martel, 2008) to show how these films manage to displace the normative cult of the victim. Chapter 3 conceives the cooking sessions that take place at ESMA former detention camp as a form of conversion of this site of death. Chapter 4 explores Lola Arias’ Mi vida después (2009) as an intergenerational artefact for the transmission of trauma on- and off-stage. Chapter 5 considers Félix Bruzzone’s novella Los topos (2008) as the announcement of a new language of kinship. In conclusion, the thesis argues that the aftermath of violence not only produced pain but also new forms of pleasure. Ultimately, it sheds light on a new sense of ‘being together’ that has emerged in the wake of loss.

In recent years, the ‘right to the city’ has emerged as a key concept and practice amongst both academics and social movements around which to organise a response to the crisis of Fordist production and political representation. In Spain this response has taken to the streets, with millions of people coming together and shouting ‘They don’t represent us!’. As a key site of both neoliberal urban governance and political insurgency, Barcelona provides a powerful site through which to examine the relationships between urban social movements, urban governance and struggles around the right to the city. In this thesis I build a (partial and provisional) genealogy of the right to the city, examining the relevance of those struggles that have emerged inside and against neoliberal governmentality since the early 1980s in an effort to assemble the right to the city through the material combination of struggles around urban production and citizenship rights. To do this, I return to the relation between genesis and management as an uneven dialectic in the production of rights; drawing on and building new connections between post-colonial studies, autonomous marxist debates, critical studies of citizenship and urban studies to investigate how strangers, outsiders and the governed challenge European capitalism from inside and assert a different imagination of contemporary urban life. I also explore my own role in these dynamics. In contrast to an understanding of academic knowledge as analytical and objective representation, my position as both a militant and a researcher provides the ground upon which I analyse social movements as a factory of concepts and practices capable of assembling an instituent politics against neoliberal governmentality.

As the Russian government enacted the Great Reforms of the 1850s and 1860s, Siberian students in St. Petersburg at the time came to the realization that urban, judicial, and land reforms had to take place in Siberia in order for the region to develop. Starting with meetings of the Siberian Circle in the capital, regionalists strove to elevate Siberia’s socio-political position within the Russian Empire. Regionalists believed that the Russian government envisioned Siberia exclusively as a place of exile and hard labor, as a territory for natural resources, and as a region unworthy of any real development. The chief theorists of regionalism, Grigorii Nikolaevich Potanin and Nikolai Mikhailovich Iadrintsev, sought to reconceptualize the relationship between European Russia and Siberia while publicizing regional needs. For regionalists, ending the system of Siberian exile, fostering the development of education, and pushing Siberia’s political and economic development would make Siberia a vital and vibrant region of the empire and end Siberia’s traditionally subservient status. Forces constantly pushed regionalism, as regionalists found their movement shaped, in turn, by the Russian state, Siberian realities, revolutionary forces, and civil war. Regionalists struggled to come to terms with their desire to see Siberia included in the Russian Empire in meaningful ways even as the government treated the region as an economic, political, and cultural afterthought. While regionalists endeavored to construct viable alternatives for regional development, evolving reality did as much, if not more, to shape regionalism, pushing its adherents in new and surprising directions, sometimes against their will.

Master's thesis. / Database: Nordic Web Publications. Format: PDF.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Yale University, 1988. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 240-244).

With this thesis, I will utilize both feminist and queer theory to highlight the gendered and bodily tactics used by the women of the 1970s/1980s Provisional Irish Republican Army. I will explore how women can both manipulate gender and use their bodies as a response to gender, ethnic, class, and colonial power relations and conflict discourses, the limitations of these approaches, and how these actions can work to reconfigure political movements, local cultures, and create a space for social change and a future beyond conflict which includes women. My methods will include a feminist content analysis of interviews, written records, narrative/visual texts, material culture, and social interactions. These narratives will relate to the Irish Troubles, violence, nationalism, colonialism, militarization, and subjectivity, with a focus on gender. Following a theoretical approach, I first will provide an historical perspective on the Irish Troubles. I then will discuss those women who joined the ranks of the Provisionals, the discourses surrounding their political action, as well as their manipulation of gender constructions. I also will provide the reader with an historical examination of feminine national images such as Mother-Ireland to which many women found themselves accountable. I also will examine the effects of surveillance and gendered punishment on Republican women, particularly when imprisoned and under the guard of British men and women, as well as the agency asserted by these Republican women. Lastly, I discuss the ways in which constructions of conflict and peace become inscribed with notions of gender, as well as value of Republican women's lives and actions in the development of viable feminist theories, practices, and movements.

The defense of human rights in a post-conflict society is a great challenge for any civilized society.The post-conflict in Colombia must be a process that is addressed by the political and legal parameters of the Constitution in force in the country. Nevertheless, to guarantee a model social state of law based on respect for human dignity, work and solidarity of its members and the prevalence of general interest. Second, to provide legal security to the State, civil society and demobilized groups to the latter political and democratically participate in the governance of the state, with the horizon of their actions respect for human rights and thereby ensures that the damage caused to the victims is solved by the Truth, Justice and Reparation. / La defensa de los Derechos Humanos en una sociedad de posconflicto es un gran reto para toda sociedad civilizada. El postconflicto en Colombia se presenta como uno de los últimos ensayos políticos para cerrar brechas de violencia y desigualdad en América Latina. Colombia se presenta como un laboratorio de paz al cabo de setenta años de guerra continua no declarada entre las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (en adelante, FARC) y el ejército colombiano. Las conversaciones de paz de La Habana parecen ir encaminadas a asentar un proceso de paz duradera que está poniendo a prueba los parámetros políticos y jurídicos de la Constitución Nacional vigente en el país de 1991. Sin embargo, para poder garantizar un modelo de Estado Social de Derecho fundamentado en el respeto a la dignidad humana, el trabajo, la solidaridad de sus asociados y la prevalencia del interés general, lo pactado en La Habana tendrá que seguir los lineamientos establecidos en el Derecho Internacional Humanitario, los cuales ya han sido enmarcados ampliamente por la ley y la jurisprudencia de la Corte Constitucional, que, a su vez, han establecido que el respeto de los derechos humanos en una sociedad de posconflicto debe solucionarse con altos y claros estándares de Verdad, la Justicia y Reparación.

Im Zentrum der Arbeit steht die Analyse des „Hawaiian Sovereignty Movement“, einer politische Bewegung indigener Hawaiier. Sie bestimmte in den 1990er Jahren – 1993 jährte sich der Sturz der Monarchie zum 100. Male – das politische Leben des Inselstaates mit und forderte kulturelle und politische Autonomie für den hawaiischen Bevölkerungsteil des Inselstaates. Fragen nach der Politisierung kultureller Prozesse sowie nach der Kulturalisierung und Ethnisierung vornehmlich politischer und sozialer Konflikte stehen dabei im Vordergrund der Betrachtung. Ausgangspunkt jeglichen Diskurses um Autonomie oder „Sovereignty“ ist dabei die bewegte politische Geschichte Hawai‘is im 19. Jahrhundert. Mit einer ständig wachsenden Zahl von Siedlern wurden die Hawaiier im Laufe des 19. Jahrhunderts zu einer Minderheit im eigenen Land. Als Gegenbewegung zu diesem immer weiter reichenden Aufgehen der hawaiischen Minderheit in der Gesamtbevölkerung des Bundesstaates forcierte die so genannte „Hawaiian Renaissance“, eine Revitalisierungsbewegung der 1960er Jahre, eine Rückbesinnung auf traditionelle Kulturtechniken und die von ihr beschriebenen „hawaiischen Werte“. Sie lieferte dem entstehenden „Hawaiian Sovereignty Movement“ zahlreiche Ansatzpunkte zur Verknüpfung politischer Forderungen mit Kernsymbolen hawaiischer Identität. Neben dem diachron ausgerichteten Blick auf Veränderungsprozesse und Entwicklungen der Deutungshoheit über die von den Hawaiiern reklamierten Traditionen steht die synchrone Betrachtung der Veranstaltungen und Ereignisse des Gedenkjahres 1993. Anhand der Analyse eines zentralen Themas des Autonomiediskurses, der Frage der Land¬nutzung und der Landrechte, kann ein umfassendes Bild der Autonomiebewegung, ihrer politischen Praxis und der mit ihr verwobenen kulturellen Deutungsmuster und Konfliktlösungsstrategien gezeichnet werden. Es entsteht dabei das Bild einer spezifisch hawaiischen Bewegung, die sich durch bestimmte Muster der Provokation, durch Gewaltfreiheit und durch ein ständiges Aufflammen und Zurücknehmen von Konflikten auszeichnet. Mit dem Blick auf die hawaiische Kunstszene der Gegenwart rundet sich gewissermaßen die Darstellung der hawaiischen Autonomiebewegung. Stand doch die kulturelle Revitalisierung am Beginn der politischen Bewegung, die sich verschiedener Aspekte hawaiischer Kultur zur Untermauerung ihres Anspruches bediente. Heute haben sich die Gewichtungen verschoben: eine zunehmend autonom agierende Szene bildender Künstler hawaiischer Abstammung nimmt die von der Autonomiebewegung postulierten Fragestellungen und Ziele in ihre Produktion auf und propagiert so hawaiische „Sovereignty“ oder Autonomie. Die politische Bewegung der Hawaiier ist auf diese Weise eng verwoben mit einer öffentlichen hawaiischen Kultur der Gegenwart, die sich zunehmend von Rückgriffen auf Tradition und Vergangenheit löst und zugleich immer wieder neue und eigenständige Zeichen kultureller Autonomie setzt.