Tsang, Stephanie Jean. / "September 2011." / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 137-151). / Abstracts in English and Chinese; appendix includes Chinese. / Chapter Chapter 1: --- Introduction --- p.1 / Chapter Chapter 2: --- Theoretical Background --- p.12 / Deliberative and Participatory Democracies --- p.12 / Interpersonal Discussion --- p.25 / Online Political Engagement --- p.36 / Chapter Chapter 3: --- Framework --- p.45 / Chapter Chapter 4: --- Design and Methods --- p.64 / Chapter Chapter 5: --- Analysis and Results --- p.76 / Results - Content Analysis --- p.76 / Results - Survey --- p.82 / Chapter Chapter 6: --- Discussions --- p.97 / Chapter Chapter 7: --- Limitations and Future Studies --- p.114 / Chapter Chapter 8: --- Appendices --- p.118 / Appendix A --- p.118 / Appendix B --- p.120 / Chapter Chapter 9: --- References --- p.137

Na realidade hodierna, faz-se necessária a análise dos grupos de interesse e, especificamente, de suas ações no âmbito político, por meio de pressão, que refletem o papel da sociedade civil organizada, através de microcosmos de atuação, na realização das aspirações populares, em seus diversos setores da vida, tratando-se de instrumentos de manifestação, canalização e consecução de aspirações coletivas. Nas sociedades complexas e heterogêneas, com a emergência de múltiplos anseios advindos da civilização industrial, por vezes conflitantes, denota-se a insuficiência do Estado em atender igualitariamente a todas as demandas, razão pela qual o cidadão não pode se limitar à figura do eleitor, com atuação periódica pelo voto, devendo assumir postura atuante no núcleo governamental. Os grupos de pressão compõem, assim, uma via da intitulada democracia participativa, com nítido papel contramajoritário, refletindo forças sociais que não encontraram respaldo na estrutura representativa clássica e contribuindo para a otimização do processo decisório institucional, ao aproximar o agente público das realidades dos titulares do poder e conferir legitimidade às medidas em cuja elaboração seus destinatários puderam intervir. A ação coletiva encontra-se alicerçada em preceitos constitucionais, como o direito de petição e as liberdades de reunião e de associação, efetivando-se um mecanismo complementar de comunicação entre representante e representado, de modo a alcançar padrões satisfatórios de governança mediante controle vertical, com responsabilidade e eficiência; atentando-se, para tanto, que as pressões grupais não podem ser exercidas através de meios ilícitos de persuasão nem devem ter como objeto pleitos manifestamente ilegais. A necessidade de se coibir as patologias da atividade denominada de lobby, imputando medidas corretivas aos seus desvios e estabelecendo os limites da sua legalidade, eis que se trata de fato relevante do qual o Direito não pode se furtar de reconhecer e normatizar, resulta no foco principal do estudo desenvolvido, pelo qual se pretendeu demarcar as questões primordiais a serem abordadas por ocasião da aprovação de uma lei de regulamentação, que, a despeito dos modelos no Direito Estrangeiro, deve encontrar solução para as particularidades pátrias. / In modern-day, it is necessary to examine interest groups and, specifically, their actions within the political sphere, through the exertion of pressure mechanisms, which reflect the role of organized civil society, across the various microcosms of action, in securing the popular aspirations of the broader population in all sectors of life by means of instruments designed to express, channel, and achieve those collective aspirations. In complex and heterogeneous societies, the States inability, due to the emergence of the multiple, often conflicting, demands of industrial civilization, to meet all of these demands on equal terms and bases is manifest, as a consequence of which citizens cannot limit themselves to the role of mere voters, participating in periodic elections, but must assume an active role at the center of government. In this light, pressure groups constitute a legitimate avenue of participatory democracy, with a distinct counter-majority role, intended to represent social forces without backing from the traditional representative structures and contribute toward the optimization of institutional decision-making by drawing public officials closer to the realities of societys true powerbrokers and conferring legitimacy on those measures which can be developed with the participation of the intended target audience. Collective action is founded on constitutional principles, such as the right to petition and the freedom of assembly and association, thus providing a complementary channel of communication between representatives and constituents, as a means to ensure satisfactory standards of governance through vertical control, accomplished in a responsible and effective manner; while underscoring, in turn, that pressure mechanisms cannot be exercised through unlawful means of persuasion or for the purpose of securing manifestly illegal claims. The need to prohibit the pathologies of lobbying activities through the imposition of corrective measures for misconduct and the establishment of legal limits is the primary focus of this study, which seeks to frame the key question to be addressed upon passage of a law regulating the related activities, one which, notwithstanding the existing models set out Foreign Laws, must offer solutions suited to the countrys national specificities.

A tese tem o propósito de analisar a trajetória dos conselhos municipais em Porto Alegre de 1937 a 2008, identificando o modo como os representantes da sociedade civil foram inseridos em tais instâncias e a quem o Estado se dirigia para ocupar a posição de conselheiro. Tem como questões centrais: (1) a análise dos procedimentos de acesso de tais integrantes aos conselhos; (2) quando e como começou o estabelecimento da relação mais estreita entre governo e sociedade em Porto Alegre; (3) quais as categorias representantes da sociedade e como elas foram definidas; (4) qual o tipo de papel ou atribuição que era esperado de tais representações; (5) qual o tipo de procedimento ou mecanismo utilizado nesta inserção da sociedade e a subjacente concepção de política que estava em jogo nestes cenários. São considerados fundamentais neste estudo duas conjunturas de surgimento destas instâncias em nosso país: os anos 30 e o período pósredemocratização. No entanto, para efeito de análise o período de 1937-2008, dividiu-se em fases que foram esboçadas em consonância com as etapas da história política brasileira, a saber: o Estado Novo, a democratização a partir de 1946, o período ditatorial do regime militar, a transição democrática e a redemocratização após a promulgação da Constituição Federal de 1988, e, a primeira gestão após a saída do Partido dos Trabalhadores da prefeitura de Porto Alegre. Levando em conta os diferentes períodos pelos quais passou o município foi possível identificar ao longo dessa trajetória, duas formas que tiveram regularidade de conceber e tratar a presença da sociedade civil junto ao governo: a sociedade dos “ilustres” ou qualificados e a sociedade “participante”, que, por sua vez, conformam modelos distintos de conselho: o tradicional e o democrático que, longe de se suplantarem, acabam sinalizando a existência de um modelo híbrido de conselho. / The thesis aims to analyse the trajectory of municipal councils in Porto Alegre from 1937 to 2008 in order to identify how civil society representatives were included in such instances and who the state was going to hold the position of advisor for. Its main points: (1) an analysis of participants’ access procedures to such councils; (2) when and how a closer relationship between the government and the society was established in Porto Alegre; (3) what categories represent the society and how they have been defined; (4) what role or responsibility was expected from such representatives; (5) what type of procedure or mechanism was used in this insertion of society and the underlying political concept at stake in these scenarios. In our country, two conjunctures originating such instances were regarded as fundamental in this study: the 30s and the postredemocratization period. However, for purposes of analysis of the 1937-2008 period, we established phases which were in line with the stages of the Brazilian political history, namely the New State; the democratization after 1946; the dictatorial period of the military regime; the democratic transition and the redemocratization after the Federal Constitution of 1988; and the first term after the Labour Party left Porto Alegre’s municipality. Regarding the different moments the city has experienced along this path ever since, two ways have been established as constant in conceiving and dealing with the presence of the civil society within the government: a society of the "distinguished" or qualified, and the "participating" society which, in turn, constitute different council models: the traditional and the democratic one. Far from supplanting each other, they seem to signal the existence of a hybrid model of council.

Thesis (MPA.) -- University of Limpopo, 2001 / Refer to the document

The growth of social media use raises significant questions related to political information and its effect on political knowledge and participation. One issue is whether social media delivers news and political information in a similar manner as traditional news media sources, like newspapers, TV, and radio, by contributing to political knowledge, which is linked to voter turnout. This dissertation examines the relationship between an individual's social media use, their use of traditional news media sources, and whether they turn out to vote. It utilizes American National Election Survey data from the 2016 U.S. Presidential election to complete three studies. First, the dissertation compares people who prefer social media and those who prefer traditional news media sources across as series of political habits and attitudes. Second, it looks at the expansion of the media environment and examines whether a person's social media use and preference for news or entertainment is related to political knowledge and voter participation. Finally, this dissertations examines at whether social media use increases the odds an individual will turn out to vote, thus acting in a similar manner as traditional news media. The results identify differences between people who prefer social media and people who prefer traditional news media sources. In particular, people who prefer social media tend to be younger, have less political knowledge, and have a lower voter turnout rate. However, unlike traditional news media use, the use of social media did not increase the odds an individual turned out to vote in 2016. Further, the use of social media and an individual's content preference of entertainment versus news was not related to political knowledge nor voter turnout. While social media does not appear to have a positive relationship with turnout, it does not appear to discourage a person from voting either. The results suggest that more work needs to be done, including examining the relationship between age, social media use and turnout, as well as how content length may be related to political participation. Finally, further examination is needed of the possible indirect ways social media may be related to voter attitudes and participation.

Researchers have demonstrated that the Nigerian government has failed to protect women's rights and advance gender equality in political leadership; consequently, women's political participation in Nigeria remains low. Although international laws grant women political participation rights, little is known about the struggles and experiences Nigerian women face in their quest to participate in the political life of Nigeria. The purpose of this basic interpretative qualitative study was to explore and describe the perceptions and experiences of Nigerian women on gender equality and other issues affecting their political leadership. The theoretical framework used was Eagly's social role theory and Ayman and Korabik's leadership categorization theory. The research questions focused on how women describe their participation in the political sector and their obstacles. Ten purposefully selected Nigerian women in Nigerian political leadership were interviewed. Data analysis included coding, categorizing, and analyzing themes. The resulting 7 themes were underrepresentation, gender inequality, male dominance, women's empowerment, spousal support/approval, financial support, and legislation reform. The findings indicated that women were still underrepresented in the political sector of government and lacked full political power as they strived for equality to become political leaders. The implications for positive social change are to educate the public, inform policy makers, and create legislative initiatives to support an equitable society in Nigeria in which women can participate fully in the political process.

Thesis (MPA) -- University of Limpopo, 2011 / The study explores the role of the Limpopo Provincial Legislature in promoting public awareness activities at the Fetakgomo Local Municipality. The study reveals that lack of awareness about the activities of the Limpopo Provincial Legislature has been identified. The study critically analyzed method and models of public participation and the role of the Limpopo Provincial Legislature in terms promoting public awareness activities. The findings of the study will assist the Legislature with interventions that are necessary for the improvement of public awareness activities. The study concluded that the Limpopo Provincial Legislature had not created an enabling environment for meaningful community participation, and had consequently limited the impact of community engagement on the Legislature activities. As a result, guidelines and recommendations were proposed for public awareness activities.

L'Etat en Afrique tire ses origines de l'extérieur. Il a longtemps tourné ses préoccupations vers la défense des intérets étrangers et sous la colonisation, les communautés ethniques locales sur lesquelles il exerçait son autorité n'ont jamais été véritablement représentées dans ses structures fondées sur la contrainte. Cet Etat apparait comme artificiel à cause de sa source de légitimité et de son modèle d'autorité. Mais, le processus d'indépendance a enclenché une ère où il est observé un consentement à son existence et une nouvelle légitimité est accordée à ses structures. L'étude analyse l'un de ces instruments par lesquels cet Etat, incarné et conservé par le "sommet" sans lien direct avec la base (notamment les communautés ethniques), parvient à nouer des relations avec celle-ci de manière à s'octroyer une nouvelle légitimité. Cette étude porte donc sur les facteurs utilisés dans le système politique, le régime, le mode ou la procédure d'exercice du pouvoir afin d'améliorer la relation de l'Etat avec sa société. Elle s'intéresse au role de l'ethnicité dans la participation politique qu'animent les partis pour comprendre la légitimité de l'Etat issu de la colonisation auprès des citoyens (autochtones) qui le rejetaient autrefois./ The state in Africa draws its origins from outside. It turned a long time its concerns towards the foreign interests defenses and under colonization, the local ethnic communities on which it exerted its authority never were truly represented in its structures founded on the constraint. This State appears artificial because of its source of legitimacy and its model of authority. But, the independence process engaged one era where it is observed an assent with its existence and a new legitimacy is granted to its structures. The study analyzes one of these instruments by which this State, incarnated and preserved by the "top" without direct link with the base (in particular ethnic communities), manages to tie relations with this one so as to grant a new legitimacy. This study ralates to the factors used in the political system, the mode or the procedure of power exercise in order to improve the relation of the State with its society. It is interested in the ethnicity role in the political participation which the parties animate in order to understand the (African)State legitimacy near the citizens (autochtones) who rejected it formely (colonization period).

The aim of this study is to describe and explain (individual level) public political participation, with particular focus on the significance of the local, geographical context. Studies of political participation have traditionally focused on individual level explanations. Here, however, the question of the significance of place, is also raised i.e. does place have an effect on the probability of the individual to take political action? Such causal relationships are known as contextual (or neighbourhood) effects. These occur when contextual factors affect individual behaviour so that it varies systematically between different contexts, even after controlling for individual level predictors. Although empirical research has been lacking, there is a widespread assumption that place of residence can have both positive and negative effects on outcomes at the level of the individual. This is the case especially with regard to urban residential segregation, which is believed to cause self-generating, negative effects on the political engagement of citizens. My line of argument is that contextual effects cannot be taken for granted; rather they must be tested empirically in a systematic way, using individual level data and appropriate techniques. Political participation is operationalised in terms of: voting in local elections, contacting local officials, and participating in manifestations. The local, geographical context is operationalised in two ways; as Swedish municipalities and as city districts. The latter is done using case studies of two Swedish cities; Umeå, a medium-sized town with moderate socioeconomic segregation, and Göteborg, a large city with extensive polarisation. Survey data is used and analysed by means of multilevel analysis, a technique developed especially for hierarchical data and contextual analysis of individual level outcomes. The results do not provide strong support for the hypothesis of contextual effects on public political participation. There are, in several cases, strong, bivariate relationships between socioeconomic composition and political participation at the aggregate level. However, this is not confirmed in analyses of individual level data. The variation between individuals residing in different places is significant in only one case; when the context is operationalised as municipalities and the dependent variable is participation in manifestations. This variation cannot, however, be explained neither by individual level SES/political engagement nor by socioeconomic composition at the municipal level. An analysis of crosslevel interactions shows that employed persons residing in affluent districts of Göteborg have a higher probability to vote and to participate in contacting than employed persons living in poor neighbourhoods. Similarly, individuals with an immigrant background living in affluent districts in Göteborg are more likely to vote than those living in poor areas. These results give some support for the hypothesis of contextual effects on political participation. However, as the number of observations in this particular analysis is very small, the results are not robust and, consequently, must be interpreted with caution. In order to identify relevant individual level predictors, the SES and CV-models are applied. The results indicate that socioeconomic variables such as employment status and education are important predictors of voting. However, when it comes to contacting officials and participating in manifestations, socio-political resources such as political engagement and organisational membership are better as predictors of political participation.

This thesis consists of three studies that discuss and analyse Sweden's immigrant and integration policy from different perspectives. The main aim is to provide an understanding of and try to explain why the goal to develop an equal status and situation for immigrants and refugees in Sweden not has been realized. The first study, which also is a licentiate thesis, investigates national and local immigrant policy. It focuses on the political application in Umeå, a community in the north of Sweden. The second study extends the analysis by investigating interests and values that have dominated in the process which led to the Swedish integration policy of 1997. The third study extends the discussion about shifts in interests and values in Swedish immigrant policy. Its focus is on the recent increase in interest for questions about integration and repatriation respectively. The three studies are also discussed in introductory and summarizing discussions. The integration problems are here discussed from an extensive theoretical and analytical perspective with focus on questions about integration, citizenship and human rights. One main conclusion is that fundamental organisational, social, economical and political problems must be solved before the goals of Swedish immigrant policy can be reached. In addition it shows that Swedish immigrant and integration policy has developed parallel to, and been influenced by similar developments in other European immigration countries. In addition, international agreements on 'immigrants' and 'refugees' legal position have been of great importance in this development process as well. Accordingly a conclusion is that Swedish immigrant and integration policy not can be seen as an isolated Swedish phenomenon, but must be studied in relation to the development in both Sweden and to its international context. The results of the study of Swedish integration policy show that the moral foundation for this 'new' policy is both well informed and ambitious. It deals with the burning need to abandon the former immigrant policy that stigmatized and often segregated the people it was supposed to support. Yet these ambitions have been restricted by world events, Sweden's financial problems and disagreements among politicians, local workers and affected actors about political practice. The study shows that pragmatic economical considerations largely determine the development of this political field. It also shows that the contemporary debate about Sweden's integration policy consists of tensions between different perspectives, values, interests, ideologies and the like. These kinds of tension are revealed in the study of Swedish integration and repatriation policy as well. I show that both arguments for integration and repatriation political efforts can be built upon apparently humanitarian motives. An argument put forward is that two parallel and often conflicting approaches to what is meant by 'humanitarian efforts' for immigrants and refugees have developed. One approach means that fundamental structural problems in society must be solved before conditions for immigrants and refugees can be more similar to those of the majority. The other approach means that Swedish society only can offer them a life with social, economical and political marginalisation and that the best solution is to set them free from this fate. This later approach is discussed and criticized for being ambiguous and for involving moral political dilemmas. An argument put forward is that it is doubtful whether a repatriation policy can be justifed from a moral and human perspective. In the introductory and summarizing discussions I argue in favour of expanded citizenship and expanded human rights as means to promote participation in a multiethnic and multicultural democracy. / digitalisering@umu