本文以「歷史制度主義」為途徑，去分析毛澤東時期「二線分工」的運作與變遷。並就「歷史制度主義」的三個主要觀點，包括「路徑依賴」、「關鍵點」以及「漸續平衡」為架構，去鋪陳本文的論證。 首先，在「路徑依賴」上，本文認為因「民主集中制」的矛盾，使得中共政治在運作上，衍生出另一套非正式制度以修補之。而「二線分工」就是這套非正式制度，其目的是為了防制「民主集中制」的三項缺失，包括權力集中、非正式政治的影響以及政治繼承的危機。是故，只要中共堅持「民主集中制」，則「二線分工」就會成為一項路徑依賴，以修補「民主集中制」的缺失。毛時期「二線分工」的起點是在一九五六年九月的八大，該會決議重組中央書記處，以作為和中央政治局分工的機構。因此，開啟了毛時期「二線分工」的運作。 其次，在「關鍵點」的改變上，以一九五九年四月，毛辭去國家主席，退居政務二線為重要的關鍵。促成該關鍵點的成因上，可以「內因」和「外因」分別說明之。「內因」是起於反右運動、大躍進運動以來，逐步繁瑣的內政事務，使得毛決心辭去國家主席，以減輕工作負擔。「外因」則起於中蘇關係的惡化，使得毛有意識的了解培養革命繼承人的重要性，遂將劉少奇扶植至政務一線，以培養其接班能力。 最後，在「漸續平衡」上，在歷經一九五九年四月的「關鍵點」後，中共的「二線分工」運作由原來的「優勢政治」型演變為「權力平衡」型。在「關鍵點」之前，毛集黨務、政務一線於一身，可以直接參與黨務與政務決策的制定，因此呈現出以毛為主的「優勢政治」運作。但在「關鍵點」之後，毛雖仍居黨務一線，但因退居政務二線，所以大幅減少對於重要會議的直接參與，部分決策權轉移至劉少奇、鄧小平手中，故乃呈現出一、二線互為抗衡的「權力平衡」型。 本文在最後的結論，將討論毛時期立下的「二線分工」運作，對於後毛時期的延續性。此外，將提出中共政治的「二線分工」模式，以做為本論文的研究發現與研究成果。 / In the political regime of CCP, democratic centralism is the formal system of an organized form. “Two-front arrangement” is informal system, which is used to renovate three defects of democratic centralism, including the effects of informal system, power centralization, and the crisis of political successor. This article is used three concepts of ”historical institutionalism”, which are path dependence, critical juncture, and punctured equilibrium, to explain the transition of “two-front arrangement” in CCP. First, in the path dependence, “two-front arrangement” is a method used by CCP to repair the deficiency of democratic centralism. Second, the path of “two-front arrangement” was gone through two critical junctures of transition, one is the CCP twelve party congress in 1982, and two is the CCP sixteenth party congress in 2002. At last, the results of these critical junctures produced new punctured equilibrium . The work of “two-front arrangement” changed to patron-client type after the CCP twelve party congress and evolved to functional type after the CCP sixteenth party congress. The change of “two-front arrangement” is gradually evolving to some kinds of institutionalization. From the random type in Mao’s era, the patron-client type in Deng’s era, to the functional type in Jiang’s era, we can find that the “two-front arrangement” has remarkable function to repair three defects of democratic centralism as time went by. So we can take it as the formation of institutionalization. We analyze the “two-front arrangement” during Mao Zedong’s era. “First-front” leaders are those who participated in the policy-making process directly while leaders on the “second-front” are referred to those who only indirectly involved in the process. The article argues that the best way to identify leaders in their affiliation in the “two-fronts” division of work is to have a detailed breakdown on personnel in the highest decision-making bodies, the Politburo and the Central Secretariat. We divide Chinese leadership during Mao’s era into four categories according to official document and reputation and status of the leaders. The article further delineates the operation of the “two-front arrangement” according to the division of work between the party and the state, charisma of the leaders and formal institutions. At the end, we try to assess the impact of the “two-fronts” model on Chinese politics.

Master's thesis Transformations of the Church at the Time of the Incoming Enlightenment discusses the ongoing contradictions between faiths. Catholic confession, which initially imposed on all subjects and nobilities in the Roman Empire has been slowly losing its previous power. Its power has been decreasing in inverse proportion by the time Enlightenment spreaded to the Czech lands throughout Germany and Italy. It changed everything, what was perceived in some way, and in turn created a lot of new knowledge. Enlightenment appeared under the rule of Emperor Charles VI., although not as much as of his daughter Marie Terezie and of his grandson Emperor Joseph II. at all. Joseph II. transformed his entire empire based on his Enlightenment ideas. By the time of reforms the "liberation" of non-Catholics and the abolition of serfdom is gradually coming. The Church at this time was very fragmented and was creating new spiritual insights on the Catholic Church and Christianity itself.

Le pouvoir que les groupes d'élite ont exercé au Pérou, s'est maintenu depuis l'époque de la colonisation en renforçant les inégalités économiques et raciales; soulignant ainsi une organisation sociale qui sert une minorité au détriment de la majorité. Cette domination de la minorité s'exerce fondamentalement à partir de Lima, ce qui explique le centralisme administratif, social et économique du pays. Dans cette problématique d'étude, nous voulons souligner essentiellement la façon dont le texte littéraire a réfléchi sur la relation entre le centralisme de la capitale, son organisation de l'espace et ses incidences sur l’inégalité sociale au Pérou. Plusieurs auteurs péruviens ont consacré de nombreux ouvrages à ce sujet. Dans notre projet, nous analyserons deux œuvres littéraires : Lima la horrible (1964) de Sebastián Salazar Bondy, et Yo amo a mi mami (1999) de Jaime Bayly; principalement en se concentrant dans l’œuvre de Bayly comment elle renvoie à travers une série de stratégies intertextuelles à celle de Salazar Bondy. Lima comme espace privilégié sert de substrat à la dialectique narrative. Cela implique tant le roman de Bayly que l’essai de Salazar Bondy, et opère comme motif et structure transtextuelle. Dans notre hypothèse de recherche, Lima la horrible est un palimpseste de Yo amo a mi mami et Bayly construit son discours comme une variante de Salazar Bondy. L’espace produit, dans l'essai comme dans le roman résulte d’une connaissance préalable de la capitale et vise à une critique sociale et culturelle du Pérou dans la représentation de la ville de Lima. / Since the colonial period, the elite groups have kept the authority of power in Peru by creating economic and racial differences. The social structure benefits a minority to the detriment of the majority. The minority dominance is carried out exclusively from Lima, and this supremacy causes the administrative, social and economic centralism of the capital. Our research problem reflects on how the literary text establishes the relationships between the centralism in Lima, the organization of the urban space, and the social inequalities in Peru. Many Peruvian authors have devoted their literary production to this topic. In our study, we analyze two literary works: Lima la horrible (1964) by Sebastián Salazar Bondy, and Yo amo a mi mami (1999) by Jaime Bayly, paying specific attention to how Bayly's work refers through a series of intertextual strategies to that of Salazar Bondy. The space of the city of Lima serves as the substrate for the dialectics of the storyline in both Bayly’s novel and Salazar Bondy’s essay. The space operates as leit motive and transtextual structure. It is our hypothesis that Lima la horrible is a palimpsest of Yo amo a mi mami, and that the discourse presented in Salazar Bondy's work is embedded in Bayly´s novel. In these works the representation of the urban space emerges from the lived experience of the authors, who question the sociocultural foundations of their country. / El poder que ejercen los grupos de élite en el Perú mantiene vigente desde la colonia las diferencias económicas y raciales. La estructura social favorece a una minoría en detrimento de la mayoría. Este dominio de la minoría se realiza fundamentalmente desde Lima debido al centralismo administrativo, social y económico del país. La problemática que esta memoria de investigación aborda es cómo se ha reflexionado en el texto literario sobre la relación entre el centralismo limeño, la organización del espacio y la desigualdad social en el Perú. Muchos autores peruanos han consagrado su producción literaria a esta temática. En nuestro estudio analizamos dos obras literarias: Lima la horrible (1964) de Sebastián Salazar Bondy, y Yo amo a mi mami (1999) de Jaime Bayly, atendiendo específicamente a cómo la obra de Bayly remite a través de una serie de estrategias intertextuales a la de Salazar Bondy. El espacio de la ciudad de Lima sirve de sustrato a la dialéctica narrativa tanto en la novela de Bayly como en el ensayo de Salazar Bondy, y opera como motivo y estructura transtextual. Nuestra hipótesis de investigación ha partido de que Lima la horrible es un palimpsesto de Yo amo a mi mami y de que Bayly estructura su discurso como una variante de la obra de Salazar Bondy. En ambas obras el espacio producido resulta de un conocimiento previo de la ciudad y aporta una crítica social y cultural del Perú a través de la representación de la ciudad de Lima.

This master thesis deals with the spiritual progress pointing to a national self-awareness in the Enlightenment era from the beginning until 1848. The Enlightenment is an European phenomenon, which is characterized by a change of thinking, and self-awareness. This idea of tolerance and human emancipation contributed to the reforms of fundamental social, political and ecclesiastical changes. These changes result not only from a philosophical influences, but also from royal reforms during the reign of Maria Theresa and Joseph II in particular. The Teresian enlightened Catholicism and Josephinian reformism fully started the journey from the Enlightenment to liberalism. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

本論文採取歷史文獻分析與理解社會學(verstehende Soziologie)的研究途徑，從「以中國說中國」的方法入手，重視歷史事實作為論證基礎的功能與意義。 對中共「民主集中制」的研究在廣度與深度上都超乎中國大陸內部與外部學者在這方面的論述，系統化地借助中共黨史反映了民主集中制一般不為人所注意的關鍵面向。對民主集中制之作用的分析引導筆者發現，中國大陸總體面出現一個「黨、國家、社會」的三角形，這是在現階段與可預見之未來的人類文明中一個非常態的國家總體結構。筆者進而對照西方權力制衡的理論，反映出在民主集中制下是不可能發展出真正的權力制約與監督的機制的，民主集中制的內涵處處體現「一元化整體性控制意識」，民主與民主集中制之間無論就理論或現實運作都存在不可調和的矛盾。 改革開放以來的中共文化戰略奠基者為鄧小平，他的基本方法是將重心放在寄望以經濟建設的成果支持行為層面的紀律，進而鞏固精神思想層面的意識形態。順此，他主張「不搞爭論」與「堅持四項基本原則」，希望大力發展生產力，強調的是「工具理性」。這些其實都是受民主集中制之「一元化整體性控制意識」的影響。 筆者採用各種型態的資料與具體數據說明「『民主集中制』對文化戰略的影響」與「『民主集中制』對改革開放以來文化戰略與戰略造成的困難與挑戰」，呈現出中共文化戰略的不合理與不合時的性質。從文化戰略的視角可以看到許多中國大陸現今不易從單純的政治、經濟、社會的角度所能觀察到的問題。本論文針對此方面的解決方案與方向提出了一些線索與頭緒。 最後，解釋在第一章提出之胡錦濤表現的反差現象。其次，論證中國大陸的政治體制改革應為不可迴避的必要之務，民主改革未必對中共不利，可能更有利。同時回答第一章中共如何統治的問題。 / Adopting the approaches of historical document analyses and understanding sociology, this dissertation brings the method of explaining China in terms of China into bear and places importance on the function and meaning of historical facts as the departing basis of its discussions. Based on the Chinese Communist Party’s (the CCP hereafter) history, the dissertation systematically presents some key points of the CCP’s democratic centralism, to which attention was not paid. It shows wider and deeper understanding of the CCP’s democratic centralism. The understanding leads the author to notice the “party, state and society” triangle, which reflects the uniqueness of the structure of China as a country in the contemporary world. The CCP’s democratic centralism reflects “consciousness of unitary holistic control” and is in fact incompatible with democracy by its normal definition in respect of theory and practice. The foundation of the CCP’s cultural development since the reform and opening was laid by Deng Xiaoping, whose methodology laid stress on economic development. Deng hoped to accomplish some economic achievements to secure behavioral discipline among people and finally consolidate the party’s ideologies and theories. He therefore advocated “no disputes” and “insistence on four fundamental principles” and did his best to promote development of productivity, namely instrumental rationality. All he did embodied “consciousness of unitary holistic control,” so has the CCP’s cultural strategies done the same. Basing on different types of materials and data, the author analyzed the influences of the CCP’s democratic centralism on its cultural strategies and presented the difficulties and challenges to the strategies caused by the democratic centralism since the reform and opening. In the final chapter, the author explained Hu Jintao’s surprising reaction and answered the question how the CCP has been ruling the country. Both were mentioned in Chapter one.

Michal Zitek: The internal debates about the future direction of the KSČ(M) from 1989 to 1993 The aim of this thesis is to offer a comprehensive look at the debates that took place within the Communist Party and aimed to transform into a modern left- wing party. Work will familiarize you with some debates and opinion- platforms that arose in these discussions.