Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-03-14T12:03:30Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Roberth Miniguine Tavanti.pdf: 3993489 bytes, checksum: 35d4b3f8fc4a93fff3e73000972ed001 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-03-14T12:03:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Roberth Miniguine Tavanti.pdf: 3993489 bytes, checksum: 35d4b3f8fc4a93fff3e73000972ed001 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-02-16 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This thesis presents the Sarau a Voz do Povo as a cultural-political manifestation that is located temporally and geographically in the southern periphery of the city of São Paulo, Brazil. We argue that the soirees that take place in this region keep some of the traditional characteristics of this modality of cultural manifestation but incorporate a political dimension that is translated in a variety of collective actions that are politically and territorially committed to historical agendas and disputes of social (popular) movements that have acted in this region. The theoretical and methodological approach was based on social constructionism as well as inputs from Actor-Network Theory and is rooted in the discussions carried out in the Research Group Práticas Discursivas no Cotidiano: direitos, riscos e saúde (NUPRAD) at the Pontificial Catholic University of São Paulo. A diversity of sources of information were used: (1) literature review concerning the history of popular manifestations (cultural, social and political) in the districts of M’Boi Mirim and Campo Limpo, with emphasis on the (re)appearance and dissemination of soirées as cultural-political manifestations among culture collectives as from the end of the 1990’s; (2) entries in the field diary concerning conversations with members of these cultural collectives and of social movements active on issues about human, social and cultural rights in these territories; (3) organization and systematization of information published in the blog of the Sarau Voz do Povo between 2009 and 2014. The results include the description and analysis of a diversity of practices cultural, political and community based, that were produced and mobilized by the members of the cultural collectives and social movements that were part of the soirees in this period. The analysis focused on the way collective action is done though the various cultural, political and community based practices engendered by the soirées in the southern region periphery of the city of São Paulo. By articulation with the notion of politics, memory and territoriality it was possible to expand our understanding about the connections between past struggles carried out by social movements since 1960 and 1970 and present struggles associated with the hip-hop movement since 1990 and, more recently, by the cultural collectives associated with the soirées of the territories in which they act after 2000 / Esta pesquisa apresenta o Sarau a Voz do Povo como manifestação político-cultural situada no tempo e localizada nas periferias da zona sul, da cidade de São Paulo. Argumentamos que os saraus realizados nas periferias desta região mantêm características tradicionais relacionadas com essa modalidade de manifestação cultural, porém incorporam uma dimensão política traduzida em distintas modalidades de ação coletiva com ênfase em um agir político territorialmente engajado com as pautas e lutas históricas dos movimentos sociais (populares) com atuação nesses territórios. Nossa orientação teórico-metodológica é baseada no construcionismo social e em apontamentos da teoria ator-rede e está ancorada em estudos e pesquisas do Núcleo de Práticas Discursivas no Cotidiano: direitos, riscos e saúde (NUPRAD) da PUC-SP. Os procedimentos utilizados incluem: 1) revisão da literatura sobre o histórico das manifestações populares (culturais, sociais e políticas) da região de M' Boi Mirim e Campo Limpo, especialmente, o (re)surgimento e disseminação dos saraus como manifestação político-cultural com forte incidência entre os coletivos culturais, a partir do final dos anos 1990; 2) anotações em diários de campo a partir das conversas no cotidiano com integrantes dos coletivos culturais e dos movimentos sociais com atuação nas áreas dos direitos humanos, sociais e culturais nesses territórios; 3) organização, sistematização e análise das informações publicadas e disponibilizadas no Blog deste Sarau entre os anos de 2009 e 2014. Como resultado, descrevemos e analisamos as múltiplas práticas culturais, políticas e comunitárias produzidas e mobilizadas pelos integrantes dos coletivos culturais e movimentos sociais realizadores deste sarau ao longo deste período. E ainda, a partir de uma discussão sobre as formas pelas quais a noção de ação coletiva se efetiva nas múltiplas práticas promovidas nos saraus das periferias da zona sul de São Paulo, articulando-as às noções de política, memória e territorialidade, foi possível aprofundarmos a nossa compreensão sobre as conexões existentes entre as lutas do passado mobilizadas pelos movimentos sociais (populares) desde os anos 1960 e 1970, e as lutas do presente mobilizadas pelos integrantes do movimento hip-hop desde os anos 1990 e, mais recentemente pelos coletivos culturais associados aos saraus nesses territórios desde o início dos anos 2000

abstract: Unlike traditional frontier studies that treat the frontier as monolithic and focus on core-periphery interactions involving colonialism and acculturation, this dissertation seeks to characterize the internal social dynamics of frontier regions using the collective social identification framework. Concentrating on the intraregional and intrasite scales makes it possible to directly evaluate the bottom-up processes involved in the formation of collective social identities within frontier zones (i.e., sociopolitical development divorced from core-centric actions). Derived from social science research aimed at understanding the development of modern nation-states and social movements, the theoretical framework implemented in this research centers on the idea that sustained collective action depends on the degree to which groups of individuals share networks of social interaction (i.e., relational identification) and recognize membership in the same social categories (i.e. categorical identification). Applying this model to the site of La Quemada, Zacatecas, Mexico, provides a methodology for assessing the potential for collective action through time and across spatial scales based on the degree of categorical commonality or the strength of relational connections among the site’s inhabitants. Dating to the Epiclassic period (600-900 CE), La Quemada was founded during the cultural florescence of the northern frontier of Mesoamerica, but the site was abandoned ca. 800-900 CE while other polities persisted. Therefore, it is hypothesized that a change in how the occupants of La Quemada identified with one another decreased the potential for collective action over time and contributed to site abandonment. Material proxies in the form of ceramic-style categories (i.e., shared styles expressing categorical affiliation) and fabric classes (i.e., shared pastes indicative of relational networks) are used to assess the temporal and spatial consistency of social identification at multiple socio-spatial scales within the site of La Quemada. The results of this research, however, find that despite fluctuations in the expression of categorical identification among La Quemada residents it was the strength of their relational ties that gave them the capacity to recover. Furthermore, the capacity for collective action was high preceding site abandonment, suggesting that a disruption in the social fabric of La Quemada did not contribute to its decline and abandonment. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Anthropology 2018

Cette thèse vise à rendre compte de l'évolution, au Chili, de la gestion des événements protestataires par les institutions en charge de l'ordre public depuis le retour à la démocratie en 1990. Il s'agit d'examiner la manière dont un pays autrefois gouverné par la répression encadre, une fois la démocratie retrouvée, les protestations de différents groupes de la société. La thèse interroge aussi l'existence d'un traitement différencié de la contestation en fonction du public mobilisé. L'enquête a été menée entre mars 2015 et mai 2017 et repose sur un matériau composé d'observations, d'entretiens, d'archives de presse. Ce travail est composé de trois parties. La première revient sur les éléments qui ont façonné le contexte politique chilien de la transition, largement défavorable à la contestation. Il s'agit également de s'intéresser aux caractéristiques et à la culture institutionnelle de la police en charge du maintien de l'ordre, en observant comment s'articulent le caractère militaire de cette institution et les fondements de la doctrine du maintien de l'ordre. Dans la seconde, les mobilisations des peuples autochtones et des étudiants chiliens sont longuement décryptées, en particulier la question de leur répertoire d'action et les interactions entre ces groupes, l'État chilien et les forces de l'ordre. La troisième partie est consacrée à la manière dont le passé récent du Chili devient l'enjeu de discours et de mobilisations, et s'intéresse de près à différentes journées de commémoration. Elle examine enfin les effets de la militarisation de la police sur le maintien de l'ordre, et sur les représentations du monde qui entourent ses pratiques professionnelles / This thesis aims to give an account of the evolution, in Chile, of the management of the protest events by the institutions in charge of public order since the return to democracy in 1990. It aims to examine the way in which a country once ruled by repression frames, once the democracy returned, the protests of different groups of society. The thesis also questions the existence of a differentiated treatment of the protest events according to the public mobilized. The investigation was conducted between March 2015 and May 2017 and is based on a material consisting of observations, interviews, press archives. This work is composed of three parts. The first examines the elements that have shaped the Chilean political context of the transition, which is largely unfavorable to collective action. It also analyzes the characteristics and the institutional culture of the police in charge of policing protest, by observing how are articulated the military character of this institution and the bases of the doctrine of protest policing. In the second, the mobilizations of the indigenous peoples and students of Chile are lengthily deciphered, in particular the question of their repertoire of action and the interactions between these groups, the Chilean State and the police forces. The third part is devoted to the way in which the recent past of Chile becomes the issue of speeches and mobilizations, and is closely interested in different days of commemoration. Finally, it examines the effects of police militarization on law enforcement, and on the representations of the world surrounding its professional practices

A Paris, il existe en marge des marchés aux Puces des zones de vente informelle réunissant des personnes en situation de précarité qui font commerce d'articles de récupération et, dans une moindre mesure, d'articles neufs. Face à la répression policière accrue dont elles font l'objet, un mouvement militant s'est constitué pour défendre le droit des vendeurs informels d'articles de récupération, les biffins, à occuper l'espace public. Parallèlement, le phénomène, souvent désigné par l'expression de « marchés de la misère », s'est étendu, gagnant des quartiers moins périphériques. L'approche retenue se situe à l'articulation entre action collective et action publique. La thèse retrace l'évolution des « marchés de la misère » et du mouvement de défense des biffins, tout en rendant compte de l'instauration de plusieurs dispositifs d'encadrement des biffins. Il s'agit de montrer comment le traitement politique de l'informalité donne lieu à une hybridation partielle de l'action publique à travers la controverse sur les biffins et les « marchés de la misère ». Dans ce contexte, le mouvement de défense des biffins est marqué par une fragmentation qui entrave sa montée en généralité. Il est traversé de conflits internes qui découlent du caractère partiel et partial de l'encadrement des biffins, mais qui, réciproquement, l'entretiennent. La redéfinition à la marge de la place des vendeurs de rue et récupérateurs informels que sont les biffins relève alors plus du registre de la régulation que de celui de l'alternative, dans un contexte où le recul des tolérances envers les activités informelles débouche une gestion incrémentale et semi-institutionnalisée au niveau local. / In Paris, there are, on the margins of the flea markets, some areas of informal street trade gathering people in precarious situations selling second-hand items and, to a lesser extent, new items. In face of the harsher repression they endure, a collective movement got formed to defend the right of the informal vendors selling second-hand items, the biffins, to occupypublic space. At the same time, the phenomenon, often qualified as « misery markets », has extended, spreading to less outlying areas. The approach focuses on the link between collective action and public action. The thesis relates the evolution of the « misery markets » and of the biffins' movement. It aims at showing how the political treatment ofinformality causes a partial hybridization of public action through the controversy about the biffins and the « misery markets ». In this context, the biffin's movement is marked by a division hindering its generalization. It is crossed by internal conflicts deriving from the partial and biased nature of the institutionnalization of the biffins' activities, but which, in turn, fuels this. The minor redefinition of the place of this informal street vendors and wastepickers is thus more a matter of regulation than of alternative, in a context where the reduction of police tolerances toward informal activities leads to an incremental and semiinstitutionnalized type of management, at the local level.

Cette thèse prend pour objet les évocations du passé par les militantes de la cause des femmes. Inspirée par les travaux de M. Halbwachs et par la sociologie de l’action collective, elle vise à comprendre comment des représentations partagées du passé peuvent émerger dans un espace aussi ouvert et pluriel que le mouvement féministe. A partir de récits de vie, d’entretiens projectifs, d’observations ethnographiques et d’archives écrites, la thèse montre que l’existence d’une mémoire collective féministe repose sur trois facteurs. Premièrement, il existe dans cet espace un consensus sur la nécessité de visibiliser les femmes dans l’histoire. Ce « devoir de mémoire » fournit aux militantes des raisons politiques d’actualiser régulièrement le passé par des actions collectives. Deuxièmement, au niveau mezzo des collectifs s’accordent sur des interprétations du passé au gré des débats politiques présents et des rapports de pouvoir internes. Eminemment conjoncturelles, ces convergences restent peu propices à l’élaboration d’une histoire officielle féministe. Troisièmement, au niveau micro les histoires personnelles de chaque militante donnent lieu à des récits comparables. L’affirmation selon laquelle « le privé est politique » permet l’existence d’une grille d’interprétation du passé commune centrée sur l’affirmation de soi comme sujet autonome. En effet depuis les années 1970 des pratiques de partage de vécus privés en collectif conduisent les militantes à exposer régulièrement leurs trajectoires au sein d’« espaces du dicible » féministes. C’est par ce processus d’encadrement réciproque des discours biographiques que se réalise une homogénéisation des souvenirs des militantes. / This thesis investigates the ways feminist activists evoke the past in present-day France. Drawing on Halbwach’s sociology of memory and on collective action theory, this work aims to shed light on how shared visions of the past can arise from a social movement as open and plural as the feminist one. Based on biographical and projective interviews, on ethnographic fieldwork and on written archives, this thesis endeavours to demonstrate that there are three main conditions that allow for the existence of a feminist collective memory. First, owing to a consensus within this space about the need to make women more visible in history, a feminist “duty to remember” gives political reasons for the activists to regularly enact the past through collective action. Second, at a meso level, feminist groups may agree on certain representations of the past depending on current political debates and on internal power relationships. However, these convergences are so context-sensitive that it prevents them from constructing a feminist “official history”. Finally, at a micro level, the personal stories of each militant are expressed in comparable accounts and narrative forms. It is the statement "the personal is political" that allows for a common interpretation of the past, hinging on the assertion of oneself as an autonomous subject. Indeed, since the 1970s, feminist movements have developed collective practices that have encouraged activists to regularly tell their biographical story within feminist “spaces of the speakable”. The thesis demonstrates that it is this process of mutual framing of biographical accounts that leads to the homogenization of the activists’ memories.

In many areas of India and Australia, groundwater has been and is being withdrawn at rates far beyond the recharge capacity of the aquifer. The resulting depletion of groundwater supplies has a number of adverse social, economic and environmental consequences. These consequences and conflicts have led to a debate over the suitable institutional arrangements to manage common pool groundwater resources in a sustainable manner.

<p>Eco-labelling is a way to promote sustainable development. This is a quantified study about purchase behaviour regarding eco-labelled seafood in Sweden, based on interviews with a convenience sample of consumers in situ. The objectives were to establish how large the knowledge of eco-labelled seafood is, to investigate the reasons for acquiring the product and thus determine the prime driving force to do it. The willingness to pay for eco-labelled seafood was also investigated. The results show a low awareness where just about a quarter of the respondents knew that eco-labelled seafood existed. The willingness to pay was high; four out of five were ready to spend additional money on an eco-labelled product. Women displayed a higher willingness to pay than men, which supports previous research. Regarding the reasons to purchase the only options presented to the respondents were environmental concern, enhanced health or both alternatives in combination. Health as the single factor was the least preferred choice and the two other alternatives were favoured to an equal amount. A difference in purchase behaviour can be detected among respondents with awareness of ecolabelled seafood when compared to those without. Those aware stated a willingness to pay to a higher degree and also displayed more environmental concern and less health interest than those unaware of eco-labelled seafood.</p>

Eco-labelling is a way to promote sustainable development. This is a quantified study about purchase behaviour regarding eco-labelled seafood in Sweden, based on interviews with a convenience sample of consumers in situ. The objectives were to establish how large the knowledge of eco-labelled seafood is, to investigate the reasons for acquiring the product and thus determine the prime driving force to do it. The willingness to pay for eco-labelled seafood was also investigated. The results show a low awareness where just about a quarter of the respondents knew that eco-labelled seafood existed. The willingness to pay was high; four out of five were ready to spend additional money on an eco-labelled product. Women displayed a higher willingness to pay than men, which supports previous research. Regarding the reasons to purchase the only options presented to the respondents were environmental concern, enhanced health or both alternatives in combination. Health as the single factor was the least preferred choice and the two other alternatives were favoured to an equal amount. A difference in purchase behaviour can be detected among respondents with awareness of ecolabelled seafood when compared to those without. Those aware stated a willingness to pay to a higher degree and also displayed more environmental concern and less health interest than those unaware of eco-labelled seafood.

This research studies protests after fraudulent elections in a collective action framework, examining the impact of the potential cost, benefit and likelihood of success of protest on the occurrence and intensity of protests. Quantitative analysis of fraudulent elections in about 100 countries from 1990 to 2004 shows that the odds of protest after fraudulent elections are greater when the level of state repression is moderate with a possible backlash effect of high repression, when the opposition is united, and when international monitors denounce election results. The analysis only partially supports the benefit of protest argument. Also, the research uses case studies from Eurasia (Armenia, Belarus, Georgia, and Russia) and mini-case studies from Africa and Latin America to study in more detail the effects of the factors identified in the quantitative analysis and to identify overlooked but important explanatory factors using a set of extensive interviews conducted in the United States and during fieldwork in Armenia, Georgia, and Russia with politicians, domestic and international election monitors, and country experts.

Past research suggests that members of devalued groups recognize their group is discriminated against. Do the implicit responses of members of these groups demonstrate the same pattern? I argue that they do not and that this is due to a motivated protection of members of devalued groups’ social identity. Study 1 demonstrates that, at an explicit level African-Canadians recognize that their group is discriminated against, but at an implicit level African-Canadians think that most people like their group to a greater extent than do European-Canadians. Study 2 replicates this implicit finding but demonstrates that devalued and majority groups do not have different implicit normative regard about a non-devalued group. Study 3 again replicates the implicit finding with Muslim participants while demonstrating that, when affirmed, this group difference disappears. Study 4 demonstrates that implicit normative regard can predict collective action over and above implicit attitudes and explicit normative regard. The implications for social identity theory and collective action are discussed.