Doctorat en sciences sociales, politiques et économiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

In this dissertation I sketch a conception of personhood as understood from within an Afrocommunitarian worldview, and argue that this understanding of personhood has implications for understanding the concept of reconciliation. Understanding ‘being human’ as a collective, communal enterprise has implications for how responsibility, justice, forgiveness and humanization (all cognate concepts of reconciliation) are conceptualized. In line with this understanding of reconciliation and its cognate concepts, I argue that the humanization of self and other (according to the Afrocommunitarian understanding of personhood) is required for addressing the ‘inferiority’ and concurrent ‘superiority’ racial complexes as diagnosed by Franz Fanon and Steve Biko. These complexes reach deeply within individual and collective psyches and political identities, and I argue that political solutions to protracted conflict (in South Africa and other racially charged contexts) which do not address these deeply entrenched pathologies will be inadequate according to an Afrocommunitarian framework.

The content of the diploma thesis entails proving of compatibility between liberal variant of multiculturalism and liberalism. Critique by Brian Barry this compatibility denies and understands liberal multiculturalism, which it personifies in Will Kymlicka, as illiberal. This critical view is related to the liberal-communitarian debate, through which are interpreted Brian Barrys critique as well as new conceptual elements in Will Kymlickas liberal multiculturalism that make it an update of modern liberalism. The thesis legitimizes this update, as well as firm attachment between liberal multiculturalism and liberalism through interpretation of Kymlickas postulates that is based on Rawls theory of justice and through establishing connection between those postulates and the wider postulates of liberalism.

Modernity has generally been interpreted as a radical expression of human progress in the light of the advances of modern science and technology. According to Alasdair MacIntyre, however, modernity is a project "doomed to failure". Given the progressive-linearity of the modern model of rationality, the past has, in principle, been ruled out as a source of moral-political wisdom and guidance. From the perspective of modernity, the present (as the progressive moment of the future) has therefore nothing to learn from past traditions. MacIntyre contends that the moral confusion within modernity comes from its loss of telos, mediated in terms of the past. Modernity therefore harbours a paradox based on its inability to provide a philosophical justification for establishing the possibility of human solidarity in the present, while simultaneously affirming its faith in the future. In this regard, MacIntyre's work is an important contribution to the philosophical debate on modernity. / Philosophy / M. A. (Philosophy)

Modernity has generally been interpreted as a radical expression of human progress in the light of the advances of modern science and technology. According to Alasdair MacIntyre, however, modernity is a project "doomed to failure". Given the progressive-linearity of the modern model of rationality, the past has, in principle, been ruled out as a source of moral-political wisdom and guidance. From the perspective of modernity, the present (as the progressive moment of the future) has therefore nothing to learn from past traditions. MacIntyre contends that the moral confusion within modernity comes from its loss of telos, mediated in terms of the past. Modernity therefore harbours a paradox based on its inability to provide a philosophical justification for establishing the possibility of human solidarity in the present, while simultaneously affirming its faith in the future. In this regard, MacIntyre's work is an important contribution to the philosophical debate on modernity. / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / M. A. (Philosophy)

The primary aim of this thesis is to reach a better empirical and theoretical understanding of what ‘community involvement’ means and what work it does in restorative justice. A case study approach was adopted to examine the involvement of the community in one selected practice of restorative justice, namely youth offender panels in England and Wales. Data collection comprised 127 interviews with key stakeholders involved in youth offender panels, as well as observation of 39 panel meetings, and analysis of related documents (e.g. panel reports and contracts). The role of ‘community’ in youth offender panels is argued to be more ‘theatrical’ (or rhetorical) than real: community panel members do not have a real say in the type or extent of reparation the offender should undergo, they do not clearly benefit from this reparation, and they do not support the reintegration of offenders into the community. The experience of youth offender panels suggests that the greater involvement of lay members of the community – or their changing role from mere witnesses/juries to facilitators – does not help to fully incorporate community harm into criminal justice practice. The English and Welsh experience also suggests that restorative justice advocates have placed unreasonably high expectations on the benefits of lay involvement. For example, this study found that lay members of the community do not have better ‘local knowledge’ than professionals. All in all, a key lesson from the experience of youth offender panels is that – while ignoring the kind of community that features in contemporary, urban contexts – restorative justice programmes run the risk of paying lip service to genuine community involvement. In conclusion, it is argued that restorative justice programmes need to start from a more concrete and up-to-date notion of community. While operationalizing community involvement, they need to acknowledge, all at once: the importance of place; the importance of family links, friendship and other social ties; and the importance of similar social traits and identities.

O objetivo central desta tese é trazer o debate entre o comunitarismo e o liberalismo para o contexto da Educação Popular, propondo uma releitura do pensamento de Paulo Freire, a partir do enfoque comunitarista, diferenciando-o do pensamento de autores escolanovistas de sua época, tipicamente liberais. Os pressupostos comunitaristas se espalham pelo conjunto da obra de Freire, sobretudo pela defesa que faz da cultura popular, colocando-o em oposição aos pressupostos liberais, a despeito de seu espírito progressista e de sua formação ter ocorrido no contexto do movimento escolanovista. As inquietações que movimentam nossa argumentação são as seguintes: em que medida a pedagogia freireana reforça os pressupostos comunitários que convergem para os interesses da Teoria Social comunitarista? Ela pode auxiliar na ampliação da soberania popular? Em que medida a pedagogia freireana atualizada sob esse enfoque pode contribuir com o fortalecimento da soberania popular e influenciar as políticas públicas no compromisso político com as demandas socioculturais de diferentes grupos, considerando uma variada gama de interesses e valores? Ao responder a estas questões, podemos suprir algumas lacunas e ampliar os espaços de debate acerca dos fundamentos e dos propósitos da Educação Popular. Da mesma forma, o debate permeia a disputa entre liberais e comunitaristas, na forma como essas demandas podem ser incluídas. Os liberais defendem o princípio de igualdade formal, que prima pelos direitos individuais, e os comunitaristas defendem as reivindicações por reconhecimento dos grupos culturais, mostrando as contradições presentes na organização social. O debate perpassa pelos diferentes modelos de democracia. O modelo de democracia liberal, por ser formal, torna os conceitos de liberdade e igualdade abstratos, além de desprezar qualquer traço de tradição cultural, produzindo alguns fenômenos que assolam a modernidade e contribuem para o fortalecimento do capitalismo, como os processos de massificação, alienação, desenraizamento e homogeneização das culturas, fatores que interferem na identidade dos sujeitos e, por conseguinte, na sua participação consciente na vida pública. O modelo de democracia participativa, por sua vez, pressupõe a participação ativa e em condições concretas de existência. A tese aponta para as contradições e sugere que a educação contextualizada pode gerar resistência contra o individualismo, além de apontar caminhos possíveis para uma democracia participativa a partir do comunitarismo. Freire apresenta uma perspectiva de educação que supõe um princípio de politicidade que contribui para disseminar a prática da democracia participativa, sobretudo, porque defende o diálogo como essência de toda educação. A sua proposta de alfabetização política, originada do estímulo à leitura do mundo e do aprendizado em comunhão, está inserida no contexto da cultura e não do indivíduo atomizado. / The principal objective of this thesis is to bring the debate between communitarianism and liberalism into the context of popular education, proposing a reinterpretation of the thought of Paulo Freire, from the communitarian approach, differentiating it from the thought of the typically liberal New School authors of his time. Communitarian assumptions are spread throughout Freire’s work, especially in his defence of popular culture, placing it in opposition to liberal assumptions, despite his progressive spirit and his training having taken place within the context of the New School movement. The concerns that drive our argument are as follows: to what extent does Freire’s pedagogy reinforce the communitarian assumptions that converge to the interests of the social theory communitarian? Can it assist in the expansion of popular sovereignty? To what extent can Freire’s pedagogy, updated with this approach, contribute to the strengthening of popular sovereignty and influence public policies in public commitment to the socio-cultural demands of different groups, taking into account a wide range of interests and values? In answering these questions, we can fill some gaps and expand the spaces for debate about the foundations and purpose of Popular Education. Similarly, the debate permeates the dispute between liberals and communitarians, in how these demands can be included. Liberals defend the principle of formal equality, that press for individual rights, and the communitarians defend the demand for recognition of cultural groups, showing the contradictions present in social organization. The debate runs through the different models of democracy. The formal model of liberal democracy makes the concepts of freedom and equality abstract, in addition to disregarding any trait of cultural tradition. It produces some phenomena that beset modernity and contribute to the strengthening of capitalism, such as the process of massification, alienation, uprooting and homogenization of cultures, factors that affect the identity of the subjects and, therefore, their conscious participation in public life. The model of participatory democracy, in turn, assumes active participation and concrete living conditions. The thesis points to the contradictions and suggests that contextualized education can generate resistance against individualism, in addition to identifying possible paths for a participatory democracy separate to communitarianism. Freire shows an educational perspective that assumes a principal of politics that helps to foster the practice of participatory democracy, especially because it advocates dialogue as the essence of all education. The proposal of political literacy, arising from the incentive to understand the world and create learning in communion, is inserted in the context of culture and not the atomized individual.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-04T22:00:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 27 / Nenhuma / O presente estudo propõe a inserção da teoria comunitarista de TAYLOR e WALZER na redefinição do conceito de cidadania, através da possibilidade de procedimentos aceitáveis e limites morais que contribuam para inclusão da política de reconhecimento como elemento propositivo para as políticas públicas, no que se refere às dos grupos socioculturais em desvantagens nos processos de distribuição e acessibilidade de bens no espaço público. O estudo desenvolveu-se a partir da pesquisa bibliográfica das obras dos dois autores, localizando: I – em quais pressupostos no comunitarismo estão inseridos TAYLOR e WALZER; II – quais as principais categorias e conceitos nos dois autores, as possibilidades de convergência e divergência entre ambos; III – quais são os limites morais e procedimentos aceitáveis e a relação destes com a política do reconhecimento. Para a discussão sobre a política de reconhecimento, foram inseridos autores como HABERMAS, FRASER, HONNETH, SORIANO DIAZ, THIEBAUT, entre outros. A metodologia utiliza / This study is an attempt to use TAYLOR’s and WALZER’s communitarian theory to redefine the concept of citizenship, through the possibility of acceptable procedures and moral limits which may contribute for the inclusion of a politics of recognition as a propositional element in public policies, concerning disadvantaged social and cultural groups in the processes of distribution and accessibility of goods in the public space. The study was developed based on bibliographic research on the works of the two authors, trying to pinpoint: I – what communitarian assumptions can be found in TAYLOR and WALZER; II – what the main categories and concepts of the two authors are, as well as the possibilities of convergence and divergence between them; III – what the moral limits and the acceptable procedures are, as well as the relation between those and the politics of recognition. In order to discuss the politics of recognition, authors such as HABERMAS, FRASER, HONNETH, SORIANO DIAZ, and THIEBAUT were used, among others

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2016-08-09T13:10:03Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Olívia Brandão Melo Campelo.pdf: 820410 bytes, checksum: 8ad17c6f2a73d6d727fc2a8c616917b0 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-09T13:10:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Olívia Brandão Melo Campelo.pdf: 820410 bytes, checksum: 8ad17c6f2a73d6d727fc2a8c616917b0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-04-01 / This research was developed with the objective of seeking a way to accomplish the concept of justice in contemporary moral crisis. The society is experiencing an intense process of transformation of its values. In order to answer the inquiries of this uncertain moment, the contemporary legal philosophy focuses its discussions under the strands of liberalism and communitarianism. While the the liberalism understand that society is not governed by certain common goals applied to its members, but by just principles, which do not assume that a certain way of living is more correct than the other; communitarians believe that the experiences and meanings of individuals are shaped by the ideals of their home community, as an integrated part in the search for a common good. For the realization of this paper, It was necessary a tour in the history of legal philosophy and a brief analysis of the idea of Justice in Ancient Greece with Socrates, Plato and Aristotle; a passage through the Middle Ages to understand the lessons of Augustine, Aquinas and William Ockham; followed by a search for an idea of a more “modern” justice, with the influence of Kant in contemporary liberal thought and the opposition of Hegel to Kant's thought. Subsequently, the contractualist tradition was addressed by John Rawl´s theory of justice and his liberal view on the concept of justice. In regards to the communitarian objection to the liberal theory, especially to Rawls´, it was evaluated the diagnosis and contributions of Alasdair MacIntyre and Michael Sandel about moral decay and the idea of justice in the current context. It was concluded by the existence of moral crisis, considering also the crisis of values, as well as a legal crisis that compromises the ideal of justice. Thus, it becomes necessary an emergency resumption of practical rationality and the return of the theory of Aristotelian virtues as a way of carrying out the idea of justice / Esta pesquisa foi desenvolvida com o objetivo de identificar o conceito de justiça na crise moral contemporânea. A sociedade vive um intenso processo de transformação de seus valores. Para responder às indagações desse momento de incerteza, a filosofia jurídica contemporânea concentra suas discussões sob as vertentes do liberalismo e do comunitarismo. Enquanto os primeiros entendem que a sociedade não é governada por determinados fins ou objetivos comuns aos seus membros, mas sim por princípios justos, os quais não pressupõem que uma determinada forma de vida seja mais correta que a outra; os comunitaristas consideram que as experiências e significações dos indivíduos são modeladas pelos ideais da sua comunidade de origem, como parte integrante dela na busca de um bem comum. Para a execução do trabalho, foi necessário um passeio pela história da Filosofia do Direito e uma breve análise sobre a ideia de Justiça na Grécia Antiga com Sócrates, Platão e Aristóteles; bem como uma passagem pelo medievo para compreender as lições de Agostinho, Tomás de Aquino e Guilherme Ockham; além de buscar uma ideia de justiça mais “moderna”, com a influência de Kant no pensamento liberal contemporâneo e a contraposição de Hegel ao pensamento kantiano. Posteriormente, foi abordada a tradição contratualista, a teoria de justiça de John Rawls e a sua visão liberal sobre o conceito de justiça. Quanto à crítica comunitarista à teoria liberal, especialmente à Rawls, foram avaliados os diagnósticos e contribuições de Alasdair MacIntyre e Michael Sandel sobre a decadência moral e a ideia de justiça no contexto atual. Concluiu-se pela existência de crise moral, considerada também crise dos valores, além de uma crise jurídica que comprometem o ideal de justiça. Assim, torna-se emergencial a retomada da racionalidade prática e o retorno da teoria das virtudes aristotélicas como forma de efetivar a ideia de justiça

Charles Taylor é um dos principais e mais influentes filósofos contemporâneos. No campo da política, o debate liberal-comunitário é o tema em que suas contribuições são mais conhecidas. Entretanto, o estudo da reflexão política de Taylor tem sido parcial. No registro teórico do debate liberal-comunitário, sua assim chamada crítica comunitarista é, muitas vezes, tomada como uma resposta normativa a possíveis equívocos ou limitações dos ideais morais do liberalismo. A conclusão mais comum é que o pensamento tayloriano se contrapõe à tradição liberal, sendo por vezes identificado ora com o comunitarismo, ora com o republicanismo, ora com o multiculturalismo. A reflexão de Taylor, contudo, se ocupa de um outro registro, mais amplo: o desenvolvimento de concepções de identidade e de bem baseadas em argumentos que não são normativos, mas sim ontológicos. Nesse registro, o objetivo de sua obra não é questionar os ideais morais do liberalismo, mas reconfigurá-los num contexto ontológico específico, bem como ampliar o leque de bens moral e politicamente relevantes para as sociedades contemporâneas. O objetivo dessa dissertação é o de justamente explorar a estrutura conceitual do que poderíamos chamar de individualismo holista, uma tipologia de pensamento político que, embora defensora normativamente da liberdade, pluralismo e autonomia, guarda uma profunda preocupação com a natureza irredutivelmente social da ação e dos bens humanos. Espera-se que a partir dessa chave de leitura sejamos capazes de uma abordagem mais sistemática da reflexão política de Charles Taylor, articulando suas diferentes e fragmentadas intervenções no debate político num quadro mais amplo, referenciado também às discussões sobre a natureza da agência, do self e da modernidade. Ao final, sugerimos que o autor canadense se move teoricamente muito mais próximo daquilo que se considera uma tradição liberal de pensamento do que sua classificação usual permitiria imaginar. / Charles Taylor is one of the most important and influential contemporary philosophers. In the political field, the liberal-communitarian debate is the theme where his contributions are most recognized. Nevertheless, the study of Taylors political thought has been limited. In the liberal-communitarian theorical debate arena, his so called 6 communitarian criticism has many times been taken as an advocacy answer to possible mistakes or limitations of liberalisms moral ideals. The most common conclusion is that the taylorian thought opposes itself to the liberal tradition and it has been identified with communitarianism theories, republicanism, or even with multiculturalism. Taylors reflection, however, is concerned with another more ample aim: the development of identity and good conceptions based in ontological arguments. The purpose of his work is not to question liberalistic moral ideals, but to reconfigure those in a specific ontological background, as well as to amplify the set of allowable moral and political relevant conceptions of goods to contemporary society. The intent of this paper is indeed to explore the conceptual structure of what we could call holistic individualism, a political thinking typology which although concerned with the advocacy of freedom, pluralism and autonomy also continues to take into account the inextricable social nature of agency and human goods conception. Hopefully, with this interpretation key we will be able to put in place a most systematic account of Charles Taylors political reflection, articulating its different and sparse contributions in the political debate in a more comprehensive landscape which will be referenced to his agency, self and modernity discussions. In the end, we suggest that the Canadian author is closer to what we could call a liberal tradition thinking than his usual classification would allow.