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Submitted by Silvana Teresinha Dornelles Studzinski (sstudzinski) on 2017-02-14T14:42:16Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Ubiratan Trindade_.pdf: 1470459 bytes, checksum: d2baa4890ad9b56c9fa1fc0dbb80b4c1 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-02-14T14:42:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ubiratan Trindade_.pdf: 1470459 bytes, checksum: d2baa4890ad9b56c9fa1fc0dbb80b4c1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-11-08 / Milton Valente / Um dos objetivos desta investigação é apresentar ao leitor o debate entre comunitaristas (holistas) e liberais individualistas (atomistas), esclarecendo os pressupostos defendidos por ambos no que diz respeito às suas visões de pessoa e sociedade. Partindo da reflexão dos elementos centrais da teoria de Rawls, nas obras A Theory of Justice (1971) e Political Liberalism (1993), nós avaliamos a plausibilidade e o grau de sustentação de sua doutrina frente aos seus mais destacados críticos no campo do comunitarismo, entre os quais, Michael Sandel e Charles Taylor, destacando suas principais objeções à obra de Rawls, mais precisamente à concepção moral de pessoa na posição original. Mostramos que a teoria da justiça como equidade é compatível com as exigências ontológicas e epistemológicas das sociedades complexas contemporâneas, afirmando que o agente moral submetido a uma situação de escolha na posição original possui a noção de senso de justiça e empatia em relação aos demais membros da sociedade. A partir da crítica feita à Rawls pelos comunitaristas, procedemos na defesa de seus pressupostos fundamentais, ou seja, na plausibilidade da complementaridade entre uma concepção deontológica e teleológica de sociedade, na qual o justo e o bem podem ser complementares, como forma de superação dos conflitos políticos proporcionando então, a pretendida estabilidade e unidade das instituições sociais. Destacamos, ainda, a importância da noção de pessoa no modelo de representação oferecido por Rawls e conhecido como “posição original” mostrando que o modelo neocontratualista de Rawls não corresponde a uma concepção abstrata ou atomizada de pessoa. O objetivo central dessa tese foi responder se nossas escolhas do que é certo ou errado se dão a partir de uma concepção naturalizada de pessoa (conhecimento inato) ou de uma concepção política de pessoa (cultural), ou, até mesmo, da complementariedade de ambas. Se confirmada a hipótese da complementariedade entre as duas concepções, estaremos aptos a dar uma resposta às críticas endereçadas a Rawls por parte dos comunitaristas, mostrando que sua teoria não é abstrata ou atomista. A partir dessas considerações, analisamos na obra Elements of Moral Cognition, de John Mikhail, sua interpretação do equilíbrio reflexivo rawlsiano e a concepção naturalizada de pessoa, que afirma que os seres humanos possuem um conhecimento inato de uma variedade de regras, conceitos e princípios morais ou até mesmo jurídicos. Na obra Why Political Liberalism? de Paul Weithman, trabalhamos uma concepção política de pessoa, dando destaque para a reformulação da teoria de Rawls a partir da obra Political Liberalism (1993) mostrando a distinção entre o conceito moral de pessoa em A Theory of Justice (1971) e em Political Liberalism (1993). / One of the objectives of this research is to present to the reader the debate between communitarians (holists) and individualistic liberals (atomists), enlightening the assumptions defended by both regarding to their visions of person and society. From the reflection of the central elements of Rawls' theory in The Theory of Justice (1971) and Political Liberalism (1993), we assessed the plausibility and sustainability of his doctrine towards his most prominent critics in the communitarianism area, among them, Michael Sandel and Charles Taylor, highlighting their main objections to Rawls's work, more precisely to the moral conception of person in the original position. We showed that the theory of justice as equity is compatible with the ontological and epistemological demands of contemporary complex societies, asserting that the moral agent when submitted to a situation of choice in the original position owns the sense of justice notion and empathy towards the other members of the society. Based on the criticism on Rawls by the communitarians, we proceeded on the defense of his fundamental assumptions, it means, in the plausibility of the complementarity between a deontological and teleological conception of society, in which the just and the good can be complementary, as a way of overcoming political conflicts, and thus providing the desired stability and unity of social institutions. We also emphasize the importance of the notion of person in the model of representation offered by Rawls and known as "original position" showing that Rawls's neocontractualist model does not correspond to an abstract or atomized conception of person. The main objective of this dissertation was to answer whether our choices of what is right or wrong come from a naturalized conception of person (innate knowledge) or from a political conception of (cultural) person, or even from the complementarity of both. If the hypothesis of complementarity between the two conceptions is confirmed, we will be able to answer those criticisms addressed to Rawls by the communitarians, showing that his theory is not abstract or atomistic. From these considerations, we analyzed the work Elements of Moral Cognition written by John Mikhail, his own interpretation of the rawlsian reflexive equilibrium and the naturalized conception of person, which states that human beings have an innate knowledge of a variety of rules, concepts, and moral principles or even legal ones. In the book Why Political Liberalism? by Paul Weithman, we worked on a political conception of person, highlighting the reformulation of Rawls's theory based on the work political Liberalism (1993), showing the distinction between the moral concept of person in A Theory of Justice (1971) and Political Liberalism (1993).

Communitarianism is an internationally contentious anti-liberal theory which is becoming increasingly popular in political philosophy. It commonly is employed to motivate and legitimate �identity politics� - a politics which is used to defend the rights of disadvantaged aboriginal minorities to maintain their traditional ways. Recently �identity politics� has been exploited in mainstream poltical/educational academic literature in New Zealand, especially in literature that deals with Maori issues. This is significant because in the recent history of New Zealand, liberal political theory has been dominant. Notions of rights and of fairness are fundamental to communitarianism and to liberalism, but communitarians and liberals hold very different ideas about what these notions involve. My PhD thesis compares their ideas and relates them to New Zealand. It views certain social and political issues in New Zealand, by way of liberal and then communitarian theories. It examines how liberalism and communitarianism have been, and can be, used to support and to legitimate particular policies and practices in terms of �fairness� and �justice�. My work considers the explanatory and the practical application of communitarianism and liberalism with respect to their conceptions of human nature, political ideals, rights and rationality. It defends liberalism against the communities the protections they �need� in order to flourish. With respect to New Zealand it recognises that Maori have been treated unjustly by the crown, but argues that much of the injustice happened, not because of liberalism, but because liberal values were not upheld. The thesis concludes that liberalism is better equipped than communitarianism to describe Maori and Pakeha relations, and to formulate a framework for positive and constructive trans-cultural policies that will respect both Maori and Pakeha cultures.

<p>At the beginning of the 21st century, youth unemployment is paid attention to by the Swedish government and media. A grand part of the unemployed youth live at their parents´ house because of economic reasons contrary to their primary goal to be able to make their own living. It can be argued that the young unemployed´ s social citizenship is inferior to working citizens´ social citizenship. The thesis will not deal with suggestions on practical solutions, but rather seek for theoretical answers to whether the responsibility for the young people referred to should be a responsibility of the State or of the family. Communitarianism is a relatively young theory which is interesting for this thesis because it sheds light on the dichotomy individual - community. There are different strands within the communitarian debate. I will deal with conservative, liberal and leftist communitarianism. </p><p>The classical leftist ideal of the communitarianist community includes rights and duties for the common good and is based on the assumption of people as social beings not being able or wanting to escape from the influence of her community. Liberal communitarianism, represented foremost by Will Kymlicka and Joseph Raz, is a theoretical strand coming up as a response on the (leftist) communitarianism. Also, a theory of conservative communitarianism, which´ s ideas date back to Aristotle, can be traced in the writings of Roger Scruton. </p><p>Conclusions reached are, simplified, as follows: Conservative communitarians are prone to let the parents take theresponsibility for their children. It is a natural consequence of their view of the society as an organic unity where family life and political affairs should be separated. Leftist communitarians and liberal communitarians are less apparent in their preferences. Stressing leftist communitarians´ emphasis of citizenship duties, the responsibility of the citizen indicates that state measures should not be the first tried solution. The family has an important role for leftist communitarianists but only as a link between the individual and the state. Liberal communitarians look foremost to the individual´ s own preferences concerning medium for a solution of the unemployed´ s situation. Family is not seen as a significant institution, unless it is accredited importance by its members.</p>

<p>Do we have a moral duty to offer severely ill asylum- seeking children permanent residence permits?</p><p>This thesis analyses our moral duty to offer 410 severely ill asylum-seeking children permanent residence permits. During 2004 an emotionally charged debate started in Sweden. The debate concerned the deportation of 410 severely ill asylum- seeking children and their families. For this and other reasons Sweden was criticized by the United Nations commission along with human rights organizations for being too restrictive in its migration and asylum politics. My thesis outlines the migration and asylum debate and the refugee situation in the world at present together with facts about how the asylum procedure takes place in Sweden. Further I draw upon medical research connected to the asylum procedure along with how the Swedish Government and Save the Children respond to the migration and asylum debate.</p><p>I also explore which rights, in terms of legal implications and ethical principles, these children have. Additional I outline theories in political philosophy from the utilitarian and communitarian tradition. The two philosophers I refer to are Michael Walzer and Peter Singer to apply their views to my primary question. Finally, I reach a critical analysis where I summarize and discuss my research. In the end I offer my final reflections in order to further debate on migration and asylum issues.</p>

Do we have a moral duty to offer severely ill asylum- seeking children permanent residence permits? This thesis analyses our moral duty to offer 410 severely ill asylum-seeking children permanent residence permits. During 2004 an emotionally charged debate started in Sweden. The debate concerned the deportation of 410 severely ill asylum- seeking children and their families. For this and other reasons Sweden was criticized by the United Nations commission along with human rights organizations for being too restrictive in its migration and asylum politics. My thesis outlines the migration and asylum debate and the refugee situation in the world at present together with facts about how the asylum procedure takes place in Sweden. Further I draw upon medical research connected to the asylum procedure along with how the Swedish Government and Save the Children respond to the migration and asylum debate. I also explore which rights, in terms of legal implications and ethical principles, these children have. Additional I outline theories in political philosophy from the utilitarian and communitarian tradition. The two philosophers I refer to are Michael Walzer and Peter Singer to apply their views to my primary question. Finally, I reach a critical analysis where I summarize and discuss my research. In the end I offer my final reflections in order to further debate on migration and asylum issues.

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This research explores feelings of obligation to volunteer, which lie at the interface of volunteering as simultaneously individual and collective and challenge traditional understandings of volunteering as leisure. The study examined volunteering within the context of communitarianism, particularly how collective outcomes of volunteering are related to feelings of obligation to volunteer. Phase one of this research focused on scale creation of a measure assessing feelings of obligation in the context of volunteerism. Using exploratory factor analyses of data from a student sample, this first phase yielded two measures: an 18-item Obligation to Volunteer as Commitment measure (OVC), encompassing dimensions of reward, affective attachment, flexibility, and side bets; and a 14-item Obligation to Volunteer as Duty measure (OVD), encompassing the dimensions of expectation, burden, and constraint. In phase two, survey research was conducted with 300 volunteers at ten community organizations. These new measures were used to examine relationships between obligation to volunteer and the value orientations of individualism and collectivism, the experience of volunteering as serious leisure, and the community characteristics of sense of community and social cohesion. Both individualism and collectivism were associated with the commitment but not the duty dimension of feelings of obligation, and both value orientations, but particularly individualism, was linked to serious leisure. Serious leisure very closely aligned with the commitment aspect of obligation as well as sense of community and social cohesion, thus emerging as a possible pathway for nurturing sense of community in a culture of individualism. Correlation and hierarchical regression analyses link the commitment aspect of obligation to sense of community and social cohesion. Feelings of duty to volunteer, in contrast, were inversely related to sense of community. Thus, the nature of feelings of obligation related to volunteering as commitment or duty have significant implications for the collective outcomes of volunteering, particularly sense of community. Also notable are the strong theoretical and empirical relationships between the OVC scale and serious leisure, which suggest that the newly-developed commitment scale could be considered a measure of the agreeable obligation that accompanies serious leisure pursuits.

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Komunitarizmas atsirado kaip kritika liberalizmo atžvilgiu. Laikui bėgant, jo atstovai siekė ir siekia pateikti šią kryptį kaip alternatyvią teoriją, turinčią išskirtinių bruožų ir galinčią konkuruoti su kitomis politinės filosofijos teorijomis. Bet tvirtinama, kad liberalizmas ir komunitarizmas iš esmės nesiskiria. O liberalai ir komunitarai vienas kitam prieštarauja tik apibrėždami valdžią ir jos funkcijas. Šiame darbe siekiama įvertinti šio teiginio pagrįstumą. Komunitarizmas atmeta tiek liberalų tvirtinimą, kad galima susitarti dėl teisingumo principų, tiek ir liberaliąją laisvo individo sampratą. Komunitarai pabrėžia, kad individo gyvenime nepakeičiamą vaidmenį atlieka bendruomenė ir tik joje jis tampa tikru žmogumi. Jie teigia, kad yra tik bendruomeninės vertybės ir jos negali tarpusavy būti palyginamos, nes nėra jokių universalių principų. Vadinasi, viskas tinka ir bet kokia bendruomeninė praktika gali būti pateisinta. Komunitarai nesutinka, kad galimos bet kokios bendruomenės. Joms įvertinti įveda visuotinius visų lygaus dalyvavimo bei lygių teisių principus. Be to, nė viena bendruomenė nėra vertesnė už kitą, tad valdžia ne tik prižiūri kaip bendruomenės atitinka minėtus principus, bet taip pat turi išlikti nešališka jų atžvilgiu. Komunitarų kritika liberalų atžvilgiu nėra neatremiama. Viena vertus, jie supaprastina liberaliąją individo sampratą, o antra vertus, liberalai be jokių keblumų gali priimti daugelį dalykų, kuriuos tvirtina komunitarai (bendruomenių svarba)... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / Communitarianism emerged as a critique to liberalism. Communitarians are aiming to show that communitarianism is an alternative political theory which could successfully compete with other political theories. However, it is maintained that liberalism and communitarianism are not separate theories and they only disagree over the proper role of power. Thesis claims that the communitarian concept of power is liberal and, therefore, communitarianism is not a distinct political theory, but a liberal one. Communitarianism denies a liberal claim that it is possible to agree about the principles of justice. Moreover, communitarians maintain that a liberal concept of free individual is a false view. They emphasize the significance of the community in the life of an individual, because it helps one to become a real human being. On the other hand, if there are only communal values and we cannot commensurate them, because there are no universal principles then everything is possible. Thus it is impossible to criticize or condemn other communal practices. That is why communitarians claim that there are some non-communal principles, like “parity of participation” and “everyone has an equal rights”. They emphasize that no community can be more superior than other, so power has to be neutral. Communitarian critique of liberalism is not irresistible. Firstly, it simplifies the liberal concept of an individual. Secondly, liberals agree with some of the communitarians proposals, like the role... [to full text]