La présente étude porte sur l’expérience pénale de jeunes femmes ayant porté plainte ou témoigné contre un proxénète. En effectuant notre recherche, notre intention était de comprendre le vécu de ces jeunes femmes lors de leur relation avec le proxénète ainsi que de mieux saisir leurs motivations et attentes en recourant au système pénal. Nous avions également pour objectif de cerner les effets de leur expérience judiciaire sur leur vie en général. Afin de recueillir le point de vue des jeunes femmes et de rendre compte du sens qu’elles donnent à leur expérience au sein du processus pénal, nous avons effectué dix entretiens à tendance non-directive avec des jeunes femmes ayant fait cette expérience. L’analyse montre, dans un premier temps, qu’une fragilité émotionnelle conjuguée à une situation financière précaire constituent un facteur de risque de tomber sous l’emprise d’un proxénète. Malgré la présence d’une vulnérabilité les prédisposant à s’investir dans une relation d’abus, une majorité de jeunes femmes démontrent une ouverture face au monde prostitutionnel avant de faire la connaissance d’un proxénète. L’entrée dans le domaine de la prostitution ne peut donc être uniquement attribuable à l’influence d’un proxénète et constitue plutôt le corollaire d’un amalgame de facteurs. Au début de la relation, la manipulation du proxénète vise essentiellement à renforcer un intérêt à se prostituer déjà présent chez plusieurs jeunes femmes. Dans le cas de celles qui n’ont jamais envisagé de s’adonner à des activités de prostitution, c’est une dépendance affective préexistante qui les amènera à se laisser convaincre de s’engager dans cette avenue. Que la nature de la relation avec le proxénète soit professionnelle ou amoureuse, toutes les jeunes femmes que nous avons rencontrées sont rapidement confrontées à des stratégies de manipulation et font les frais de manifestations de violence visant à les assujettir. L’amorce d’une prise de conscience de la situation d’abus qui leur est imposée constitue l’élément-clé qui les amène à prendre la décision de quitter leur proxénète et à accepter de coopérer avec les policiers. Celles qui entretiennent une relation de travail avec le proxénète amorceront cette réflexion avant celles en relation de couple. Ce constat s’explique par l’amour que celles qui se considèrent en relation de couple ressentent à l’égard du proxénète qui, non seulement les rend plus vulnérables à sa manipulation, mais freine également toute tentative d’autonomisation face à lui. Le recours à l’aide des policiers ne va pas de soi pour toutes les jeunes femmes sous le joug d’un proxénète. Bien que l’influence d’une personne bienveillante joue souvent un rôle significatif sur leur décision de porter plainte, le choix de collaborer avec les intervenants judiciaires découle essentiellement de leur propre réflexion psychologique vis-à-vis de leur situation. En portant plainte, elles souhaitent généralement être délivrées de l’emprise du proxénète et être protégées par le système pénal afin d’avoir le temps nécessaire pour prendre des décisions quant à la réorganisation de leur vie. Pendant les procédures judiciaires, les jeunes femmes se disent pour la plupart anxieuses à l’idée de rendre témoignage. Leurs appréhensions sont essentiellement liées à la crainte de revoir le proxénète ainsi qu’à la peur de ne pas être crue par le juge. Les principales motivations qui poussent les interviewées à maintenir leur plainte sont le désir de démontrer au proxénète qu’il n’a plus d’emprise sur elles et de mettre un terme à cette expérience de vie. La représentation qu’elles se font du traitement reçu dans le cadre des procédures pénales est généralement positive pour peu que l’attitude des intervenants judiciaires à leur endroit ait été empreinte d’empathie et qu’elles aient été impliquées dans le dossier. Ainsi, qu’elles aient initié ou pas la démarche pénale, les jeunes femmes qui se sentent soutenues par les policiers et les intervenants judiciaires seront plus enclines à maintenir leur plainte jusqu’à la fin des procédures pénales. Suite à leur relation avec le proxénète, les jeunes femmes sont aux prises avec de multiples conséquences qui affectent différentes sphères de leur vie. Malgré leurs nombreuses séquelles psychologiques, physiques et sociales, peu sont celles qui s’impliquent jusqu'au bout d’une démarche thérapeutique. Plusieurs estiment ne pas être prêtes à se lancer dans une telle démarche, alors que d’autres ont l’impression que personne ne peut réellement les aider et préfèrent s’en remettre à leur résilience ou utiliser des moyens alternatifs pour passer au travers de cette épreuve de vie. Les jeunes femmes qui reçoivent l’aide de leurs proches et/ou d’organismes professionnels sont celles qui perçoivent le plus rapidement les effets bénéfiques de leur implication pénale. Il ressort de notre analyse que l’expérience pénale vient renforcer une autonomisation déjà amorcée par la jeune femme lors de la rupture avec le proxénète. Les impacts de l’implication pénale sont doubles : elle permet aux jeunes femmes d’augmenter l’estime qu’elles ont d’elles-mêmes, et de couper définitivement tous contacts avec le souteneur. Le système pénal comporte cependant des limites puisqu’il n’a aucun effet sur le contexte de vie des jeunes femmes et, par le fait même, sur leurs activités prostitutionnelles. Ainsi, bon nombre de jeunes femmes retournent dans leur milieu d’origine après la démarche pénale et doivent continuer à composer avec les conditions associées à leur mode de vie antérieur. Qui plus est, l’effet déstabilisant lié à l’expérience pénale a pour conséquence de retarder leur rétablissement psychologique et la réorganisation de leur existence. Celles qui arrivent à réorienter le plus rapidement leur vie sont les jeunes femmes qui reçoivent le soutien de leurs proches ainsi que celles qui n’entretenaient pas de relation amoureuse avec le proxénète. Mots-clés : proxénétisme, prostitution, système pénal, empowerment, stigmatisation. / The present study focuses on the experiences of the criminal justice system by a number of young women, all of whom have pressed charges or testified against a pimp. In carrying out our research, our objective was to understand the experiences of these young women during their relationship with the pimp, as well as gaining a better insight into their reasons and expectations when they turned to the criminal justice system. We also aimed to identify the effects such judicial experiences have had on their lives in general. In order to gather the young women’s perspectives and faithfully report the meaning they attribute to their experiences of criminal procedure, we carried out ten non-directive interviews with young women who had been through such an experience. First of all, our analysis shows that emotional fragility combined with a precarious financial situation constitute a risk factor of falling under the control of a pimp. Despite an existing vulnerability predisposing these women to become involved in an abusive relationship, the majority of such young women demonstrate an open-minded approach to the world of prostitution prior to meeting a pimp. Thus, their entrance into prostitution cannot be solely attributed to the influence of a pimp and seems rather to be the outcome of a combination of factors. At the beginning of the relationship, the pimp’s manipulation essentially aims to reinforce this interest in prostitution already present in several of the young women. In the case of those women who had never envisaged engaging in prostitution, a pre-existing affective dependence could lead them to be persuaded to follow this path. Whether the relationship with the pimp is professional or romantic, all the young women we met were quickly confronted with strategies of manipulation and were exposed to displays of violence aimed at subjugating them. The initial realisation of the abusive situation to which they are being subjected constitutes the key factor leading them to make the decision to leave their pimp and agree to cooperate with the police. Those who had a professional relationship with their pimp came to this decision before those in a romantic relationship with the pimp. This observation can be explained by the love which those who considered themselves to be in a romantic relationship felt for their pimp, which not only made them more vulnerable to his manipulation but also slowed all attempts to empower themselves against him. Turning to the police for help is not an obvious choice for all young women under a pimp’s control. While the influence of a caring person often plays a significant role in their decision to press charges, the decision to cooperate with criminal justice officials usually arises from their own psychological reflection concerning their situation. By pressing charges, they generally hope to get away from their pimp’s control and be protected by the legal system, giving them the necessary time to make decisions to turn their lives around. During the judicial procedure, most of these young women say they are anxious at the idea of testifying. Their apprehension is essentially linked with the fear of seeing the pimp again, along with fear of not being believed by the judge. The main reasons motivating interviewees to maintain their charges are the desire to show the pimp he no longer has any control over them and also to end this episode of their life. Their representations of the treatment they received during the criminal justice procedure are generally positive if legal officials have shown empathy towards them and if the women have been encouraged to be involved in the legal case. Thus, whether the women initiated the legal procedure themselves or not, those who feel supported by the police and criminal justice officials are more likely to maintain charges to the end of the legal procedure. Following their relationship with the pimp, the young women struggle with many consequences which affect different areas of their lives. Despite numerous psychological, physical and social repercussions, only a small minority ever follow through with a full course of therapy. Many feel they are not ready to undertake such measures, while others feel that nobody can really help them and prefer to rely on their own resilience or use alternative methods to get past this difficult experience. Those young women who receive help from their friends and family or professional organisations more rapidly perceive the beneficial effects of their involvement with the legal system. Our analysis finds that the experience of the legal system serves to reinforce a process of empowerment already initiated by a young woman when her relationship with her pimp ended. The impacts of the young women’s judicial involvement are twofold: it allows them to improve their self-esteem while also permanently cutting all contact with the pimp. However, the criminal justice system does have limits, as the experience has no impact on the young women’s life context nor, by this very fact, on their involvement in prostitution. Consequently, many young women return to their original environments once the criminal procedure is over and continue to face the conditions associated with their previous lifestyle. Moreover, the destabilizing effect associated with the judicial experience causes their psychological recovery and reorganisation of their lives to be delayed. Those who do manage to turn their lives around the fastest are those who receive support from people close to them and also those who were not in a romantic relationship with their pimp. Key words: pimping, prostitution, criminal justice system, empowerment, stigmatisation.

Trata-se de pesquisa realizada em processos criminais sentenciados no ano de 2016, nas 21 varas criminais das 14 comarcas de terceira entrância do Estado do Tocantins, visando a investigar se utilizam ou não fundamentos hermenêuticos crítico-criminológicos e humanistas. Nesta dissertação, a pesquisa empírica dividese em duas partes, sendo que, na primeira, o universo amostral é 100% das sentenças (3.163) proferidas no interregno de 2016, nas comarcas selecionadas, para fins de identificação do número total de sentenças criminais e, ainda, do número de sentenças condenatórias (356) e absolutórias (150, entre próprias e impróprias). Assim, na segunda parte específica da análise são estudadas 506 sentenças proferidas nesses processos, com o objetivo de averiguar de que forma o sistema penal (material e processual) está sendo utilizado na prática dos(as) magistrados(as) tocantinenses. O trabalho é realizado a partir do instrumental metodológico oferecido pela técnica de análise do conteúdo, de Laurence Bardin, precedido de representações gráficas dos dados obtidos em sentenças absolutórias e condenatórias. A perspectiva de análise sob enfoque interdisciplinar é assegurada, eis que marca a própria vocação da Criminologia em sua vertente crítica (influenciada fortemente pelos contributos de outras ciências, principalmente da Sociologia, da Psicologia, da Psiquiatria, da Antropologia e da Filosofia). A pesquisa procura pela existência de uma postura puramente dogmática e rasa no ato de julgar, ou pela utilização de conhecimentos críticos, que sejam combativos do senso comum teórico, reprodutor da crença na função ideológica do Direito Penal como instrumento de defesa social e de ressocialização de condenados. A conclusão indica que a abordagem crítica, tão necessária ao julgar com justiça, a partir de embasamentos constitucionais e nas normas internacionais de direitos humanos, não é o padrão utilizado pela magistratura criminal tocantinense. Ao contrário, os resultados das análises revelam um grande percentual de sentenças que ainda utilizam argumentos estritamente legalistas e dogmáticos no trato de um dos mais básicos direitos humanos fundamentais, que é a liberdade das pessoas. / It is a research carried out in criminal cases sentenced in 2016, in the 21 criminal courts of the 14 third-order districts of the State of Tocantins, aiming to investigate whether they use critical-criminological and humanistic hermeneutical foundations. In this dissertation, the empirical research was divided in two parts, in the first, the sample universe is 100% of the verdicts (3.163) was given in the year of 2016, in the regions selected, for the purpose of identifying the total number of criminal sentences and the number of convictions (356) and acquittals (150, between proper and improper). Thus, in the second specific part of the analysis, 506 sentences handed down in these cases are studied, with the objective of ascertaining how the criminal (material and procedural) system is being used in the practice of the Tocantins' magistrates. The work is based on the methodological tools offered by Laurence Bardin's content analysis technique, preceded by graphical representations of the data obtained in acquittals and convictions. The perspective of analysis under an interdisciplinary approach is ensured, as it marks the very vocation of Criminology in its critical aspect (strongly influenced by the contributions of other sciences, especially Sociology, Psychology, Psychiatry, Anthropology and Philosophy). The research seeks the existence of a purely dogmatic and shallow posture in the act of judging, or by the use of critical knowledge that is combative of theoretical common sense, reproducing the belief in the ideological function of Criminal Law as an instrument of social defense and re-socialization of the condemned. The conclusion indicates that the critical approach, so necessary in judging, from constitutional foundations and international human rights norms, is not the standard used by the criminal magistrates of Tocantins. On the contrary, the results of the analyzes reveal a large percentage of sentences that still use strictly legalistic and dogmatic arguments in dealing with one of the most basic fundamental human rights, which is the freedom of the people.

Este trabalho dedica-se ao estudo da gestão de mulheres em São Paulo, com especial atenção para os dispositivos mobilizados na atuação do sistema de justiça criminal. Para isso, foram adotadas duas perspectivas complementares. A primeira volta-se para a situação de mulheres como vítimas de crimes violentos, procurando resgatar de que maneira a legislação criminal incorpora e traduz as demandas das mulheres, resultando em leis que cristalizam percepções (não raro ambíguas e contraditórias) sobre mulheres e desigualdade de gênero, fenômeno que também caracteriza o momento da aplicação das leis pelos tribunais. A segunda perspectiva se volta para o problema do controle social das mulheres a partir dos mecanismos penais, mormente a privação da liberdade, incluindo a prisão processual. As estratégias de pesquisa adotadas envolvem levantamento legislativo e documental, coleta de informações de autos de processos judiciais, visitas a unidades prisionais, entrevistas com mulheres e profissionais do direito e análise de dados fornecidos pela Secretaria de Segurança Pública. Aliando as abordagens qualitativa e quantitativa, o estudo procurou enfatizar trajetórias individuais, principalmente com base em biografias judiciárias, que lançam luz sobre as especificidades do encontro entre as mulheres e o sistema de justiça criminal e evidenciam o continuum de violência que marca as vidas das mulheres. / This work is dedicated to the study of women\'s management in São Paulo, with special attention to the devices deployed in the performance of the criminal justice system. In order to do this, there were adopted two complementary perspectives. The first one turns to the situation of women as victims of violent crimes, concerning how the criminal law incorporates and translates the demands of women, resulting in laws that crystallize perceptions (often ambiguous and contradictory) on women and gender inequality, a phenomenon that also characterizes the moment of law enforcement by the courts. The second perspective turns to the problem of social control of women regarding criminal mechanisms, especially the deprivation of liberty, including pretrial detention. The adopted research strategies involve legislative and documental survey, information from lawsuits, visits in prisons, interviews with women and legal professionals and analysis of data provided by the Public Security Bureau. Combining qualitative and quantitative approaches, the study sought to emphasize individual trajectories, mainly based on judicial biographies that shed light on the specificities of the encounter between women and the criminal justice system and show the continuum of violence that marks the lives of women .

Este trabalho dedica-se ao estudo da gestão de mulheres em São Paulo, com especial atenção para os dispositivos mobilizados na atuação do sistema de justiça criminal. Para isso, foram adotadas duas perspectivas complementares. A primeira volta-se para a situação de mulheres como vítimas de crimes violentos, procurando resgatar de que maneira a legislação criminal incorpora e traduz as demandas das mulheres, resultando em leis que cristalizam percepções (não raro ambíguas e contraditórias) sobre mulheres e desigualdade de gênero, fenômeno que também caracteriza o momento da aplicação das leis pelos tribunais. A segunda perspectiva se volta para o problema do controle social das mulheres a partir dos mecanismos penais, mormente a privação da liberdade, incluindo a prisão processual. As estratégias de pesquisa adotadas envolvem levantamento legislativo e documental, coleta de informações de autos de processos judiciais, visitas a unidades prisionais, entrevistas com mulheres e profissionais do direito e análise de dados fornecidos pela Secretaria de Segurança Pública. Aliando as abordagens qualitativa e quantitativa, o estudo procurou enfatizar trajetórias individuais, principalmente com base em biografias judiciárias, que lançam luz sobre as especificidades do encontro entre as mulheres e o sistema de justiça criminal e evidenciam o continuum de violência que marca as vidas das mulheres. / This work is dedicated to the study of women\'s management in São Paulo, with special attention to the devices deployed in the performance of the criminal justice system. In order to do this, there were adopted two complementary perspectives. The first one turns to the situation of women as victims of violent crimes, concerning how the criminal law incorporates and translates the demands of women, resulting in laws that crystallize perceptions (often ambiguous and contradictory) on women and gender inequality, a phenomenon that also characterizes the moment of law enforcement by the courts. The second perspective turns to the problem of social control of women regarding criminal mechanisms, especially the deprivation of liberty, including pretrial detention. The adopted research strategies involve legislative and documental survey, information from lawsuits, visits in prisons, interviews with women and legal professionals and analysis of data provided by the Public Security Bureau. Combining qualitative and quantitative approaches, the study sought to emphasize individual trajectories, mainly based on judicial biographies that shed light on the specificities of the encounter between women and the criminal justice system and show the continuum of violence that marks the lives of women .

Nos anos 90 era comum que a distinção entre o traficante e o usuário estivesse baseada nos artigos da antiga lei de drogas, ou seja, em criminalizar alguém por drogas por meio dos artigos 16 ou 12. Eram os próprios números dos artigos das leis que representavam socialmente e distinguiam um usuário (16) de um traficante de drogas (12) e, claro, o modo como à polícia poderia ou não incriminar alguém dentro do sistema de justiça criminal no Brasil. Após o ano de 2006, o Estado Brasileiro promulga a chamada Nova Lei de Drogas com o objetivo de deslocar o usuário de drogas para o sistema de saúde ao mesmo tempo em que aumenta a punição para os traficantes. Assim, este trabalho analisa as principais implicações da chamada nova lei de drogas lei 11.343 de 2006 desde a sua formulação no sistema político até a sua aplicação no sistema de justiça criminal tendo como problemática empírica geral o fenômeno da intensificação do encarceramento por tráfico de drogas no Brasil, sobretudo, após o advento da nova lei. Para tanto, a análise parte da formulação que o novo dispositivo de drogas no Congresso Nacional teve, dentre os seus principais objetivos, dispor: i) o fim da pena de prisão para o usuário de drogas; ii) o advento de um tratamento médico para o usuário; iii) o aumento da punição para o traficante mediante a expansão de grupos criminosos no início dos anos 2000, sobretudo, em São Paulo. Ou seja, está em jogo à modificação da representação social do traficante e do usuário que bifurca entre uma nova representação médico-social do usuário agora visto como um doente e objeto das instituições de saúde e assistência social e uma velha representação criminal do traficante como inimigo agora visto como um indivíduo perigoso e organizado. São estas duas figuras que engendram a formulação de um novo dispositivo de drogas com diferentes tipos de punições para a venda e o uso de drogas no Brasil nos anos 2000. Argumento que a introdução desse novo dispositivo chamado aqui de dispositivo médico-criminal de drogas produziu uma nova maneira de governar os usuários e traficantes de drogas e que trouxe, como uma das principais consequências, a intensificação da criminalização por tráfico de drogas e a rejeição do deslocamento do usuário para outro sistema que não o sistema de justiça criminal. Assim, demonstro que há uma nova maneira de administração estatal da droga no Brasil, qual é a sua história e como ela desenvolveu práticas no sistema de justiça criminal: como um copo meio vazio de médico e cheio de prisão. / In the 90s it was common that the distinction between the drug dealer and the user was based on the articles from the old drug law, in other words, criminalize someone for drugs through the articles \"16\" or \"12\". Were the very numbers of these articles that used to represent socially and distinguish a user (16) from a drug dealer (12) and, of course, the way the police could incriminate someone or not within the criminal justice system in Brazil. After 2006, the Brazilian State passed the so called New Drug Law in order to move the drug user to the health system while increasing the punishment for traffickers. Thus, this study analyzes the main implications of the new so called drug law - Law 11.343 of 2006 - since its formulation in the political system to its application in the criminal justice system, assuming as a general empirical problem the phenomenon of imprisonment and its increase for trafficking drugs in Brazil, especially after the advent of the new law. Therefore, the analysis assumes that the new drug device in National Congress had, among its main goals, to dispose: i) the end of a prison sentence for drug users; ii) the advent of a medical treatment for the user; iii) an increasing of the punishment for the trafficker due to the expansion of criminal groups in the early 2000s, especially in São Paulo. Ie, what is at stake is the changing in the social representation of drug dealers and users which leads to a bifurcation between a new medical and social representation of the user - now seen as \"sick\" and subject for health and social care institutions - and an old criminal representation of the dealer as an enemy - now seen as an individual \"dangerous and organized.\" These are the two figures that engender the development of a new drug device with different types of punishments for the sale and use of drugs in Brazil in the 2000s. I argue that the introduction of this new device called here as medical- criminal drug device - has produced a new way to govern users and drug dealers and it brought, as one of the main consequences, the increased criminalization of drug trafficking and the rejection of the user displacement to another system other than the criminal justice system. The research, therefore, seeks to first show how new ideas were developed in the formulation of a new drug device, secondly, what were the main implications of this device within the criminal justice system. Thus, I demonstrate that there is a new way of state administration of drugs in Brazil, what is your story and how it developed new practices in the criminal justice system: as a half empty glass of medicine and full of imprisonment.

Nos anos 90 era comum que a distinção entre o traficante e o usuário estivesse baseada nos artigos da antiga lei de drogas, ou seja, em criminalizar alguém por drogas por meio dos artigos 16 ou 12. Eram os próprios números dos artigos das leis que representavam socialmente e distinguiam um usuário (16) de um traficante de drogas (12) e, claro, o modo como à polícia poderia ou não incriminar alguém dentro do sistema de justiça criminal no Brasil. Após o ano de 2006, o Estado Brasileiro promulga a chamada Nova Lei de Drogas com o objetivo de deslocar o usuário de drogas para o sistema de saúde ao mesmo tempo em que aumenta a punição para os traficantes. Assim, este trabalho analisa as principais implicações da chamada nova lei de drogas lei 11.343 de 2006 desde a sua formulação no sistema político até a sua aplicação no sistema de justiça criminal tendo como problemática empírica geral o fenômeno da intensificação do encarceramento por tráfico de drogas no Brasil, sobretudo, após o advento da nova lei. Para tanto, a análise parte da formulação que o novo dispositivo de drogas no Congresso Nacional teve, dentre os seus principais objetivos, dispor: i) o fim da pena de prisão para o usuário de drogas; ii) o advento de um tratamento médico para o usuário; iii) o aumento da punição para o traficante mediante a expansão de grupos criminosos no início dos anos 2000, sobretudo, em São Paulo. Ou seja, está em jogo à modificação da representação social do traficante e do usuário que bifurca entre uma nova representação médico-social do usuário agora visto como um doente e objeto das instituições de saúde e assistência social e uma velha representação criminal do traficante como inimigo agora visto como um indivíduo perigoso e organizado. São estas duas figuras que engendram a formulação de um novo dispositivo de drogas com diferentes tipos de punições para a venda e o uso de drogas no Brasil nos anos 2000. Argumento que a introdução desse novo dispositivo chamado aqui de dispositivo médico-criminal de drogas produziu uma nova maneira de governar os usuários e traficantes de drogas e que trouxe, como uma das principais consequências, a intensificação da criminalização por tráfico de drogas e a rejeição do deslocamento do usuário para outro sistema que não o sistema de justiça criminal. Assim, demonstro que há uma nova maneira de administração estatal da droga no Brasil, qual é a sua história e como ela desenvolveu práticas no sistema de justiça criminal: como um copo meio vazio de médico e cheio de prisão. / In the 90s it was common that the distinction between the drug dealer and the user was based on the articles from the old drug law, in other words, criminalize someone for drugs through the articles \"16\" or \"12\". Were the very numbers of these articles that used to represent socially and distinguish a user (16) from a drug dealer (12) and, of course, the way the police could incriminate someone or not within the criminal justice system in Brazil. After 2006, the Brazilian State passed the so called New Drug Law in order to move the drug user to the health system while increasing the punishment for traffickers. Thus, this study analyzes the main implications of the new so called drug law - Law 11.343 of 2006 - since its formulation in the political system to its application in the criminal justice system, assuming as a general empirical problem the phenomenon of imprisonment and its increase for trafficking drugs in Brazil, especially after the advent of the new law. Therefore, the analysis assumes that the new drug device in National Congress had, among its main goals, to dispose: i) the end of a prison sentence for drug users; ii) the advent of a medical treatment for the user; iii) an increasing of the punishment for the trafficker due to the expansion of criminal groups in the early 2000s, especially in São Paulo. Ie, what is at stake is the changing in the social representation of drug dealers and users which leads to a bifurcation between a new medical and social representation of the user - now seen as \"sick\" and subject for health and social care institutions - and an old criminal representation of the dealer as an enemy - now seen as an individual \"dangerous and organized.\" These are the two figures that engender the development of a new drug device with different types of punishments for the sale and use of drugs in Brazil in the 2000s. I argue that the introduction of this new device called here as medical- criminal drug device - has produced a new way to govern users and drug dealers and it brought, as one of the main consequences, the increased criminalization of drug trafficking and the rejection of the user displacement to another system other than the criminal justice system. The research, therefore, seeks to first show how new ideas were developed in the formulation of a new drug device, secondly, what were the main implications of this device within the criminal justice system. Thus, I demonstrate that there is a new way of state administration of drugs in Brazil, what is your story and how it developed new practices in the criminal justice system: as a half empty glass of medicine and full of imprisonment.

This research assessed the perceived and actual roles of Faith-Based Organizations (FBOs) in their community and in working with offenders and their families in relation to the Criminal Justice System (CJS). Additionally, the research study evaluated this issue on the local level in an attempt to ascertain whether FBOs still do what they have historically been perceived to do or whether their involvement with the CJS has shifted in any way. Particularly, the research study also examined perceptions of staff members from FBOs regarding services and support provided for families of offenders. The sample was selected using a combination of convenience and snowball sampling. Group sizes ranged from 2-5 participants. A total of 14 participants interacted in the focus groups. Each focus group lasted approximately one hour. All focus groups were recorded using a digital audio recording device, and transcriptions of the focus groups were prepared. The transcripts were prepared using a combination of edited and intelligent transcription techniques. Researchers reviewed the transcriptions for recurring themes. Twenty-four initial themes were generated. Researchers then reviewed the themes for redundancy which resulted in 10 themes being identified. The transcripts were then coded based on the 10 revised themes. These themes focused on issues related to the perceived and real roles of FBOs in relation to the Criminal Justice System. As expected, the researchers found that FBO programming difficulties and concerns (f = 65) and misperception and lack of church involvement in the lives of offenders and the CJS (f = 50) were the most recurring themes. Miscommunication and lack of connection between the CJS and community was found to be the third most recurring theme (f = 15), followed closely by lack of reunification of offenders with their families (f = 14). Perceptions of participants such as clergy and mental health practitioners confirmed the researcher’s expectations that offenders often express deep anxiety and concern over being separated from their families. Thus, current programming efforts may reflect a lack of emphasis on services designed to rejoin offenders with their families or reintegrate them in family systems based on participants’ perceptions. Analysis of the data is ongoing. Researchers will return to the data to further discuss theme coding and to determine if additional themes emerge. All identified themes will be further assessed for inter-rater reliability.

Thèse numérisée par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

La présente étude porte sur l’expérience pénale de jeunes femmes ayant porté plainte ou témoigné contre un proxénète. En effectuant notre recherche, notre intention était de comprendre le vécu de ces jeunes femmes lors de leur relation avec le proxénète ainsi que de mieux saisir leurs motivations et attentes en recourant au système pénal. Nous avions également pour objectif de cerner les effets de leur expérience judiciaire sur leur vie en général. Afin de recueillir le point de vue des jeunes femmes et de rendre compte du sens qu’elles donnent à leur expérience au sein du processus pénal, nous avons effectué dix entretiens à tendance non-directive avec des jeunes femmes ayant fait cette expérience. L’analyse montre, dans un premier temps, qu’une fragilité émotionnelle conjuguée à une situation financière précaire constituent un facteur de risque de tomber sous l’emprise d’un proxénète. Malgré la présence d’une vulnérabilité les prédisposant à s’investir dans une relation d’abus, une majorité de jeunes femmes démontrent une ouverture face au monde prostitutionnel avant de faire la connaissance d’un proxénète. L’entrée dans le domaine de la prostitution ne peut donc être uniquement attribuable à l’influence d’un proxénète et constitue plutôt le corollaire d’un amalgame de facteurs. Au début de la relation, la manipulation du proxénète vise essentiellement à renforcer un intérêt à se prostituer déjà présent chez plusieurs jeunes femmes. Dans le cas de celles qui n’ont jamais envisagé de s’adonner à des activités de prostitution, c’est une dépendance affective préexistante qui les amènera à se laisser convaincre de s’engager dans cette avenue. Que la nature de la relation avec le proxénète soit professionnelle ou amoureuse, toutes les jeunes femmes que nous avons rencontrées sont rapidement confrontées à des stratégies de manipulation et font les frais de manifestations de violence visant à les assujettir. L’amorce d’une prise de conscience de la situation d’abus qui leur est imposée constitue l’élément-clé qui les amène à prendre la décision de quitter leur proxénète et à accepter de coopérer avec les policiers. Celles qui entretiennent une relation de travail avec le proxénète amorceront cette réflexion avant celles en relation de couple. Ce constat s’explique par l’amour que celles qui se considèrent en relation de couple ressentent à l’égard du proxénète qui, non seulement les rend plus vulnérables à sa manipulation, mais freine également toute tentative d’autonomisation face à lui. Le recours à l’aide des policiers ne va pas de soi pour toutes les jeunes femmes sous le joug d’un proxénète. Bien que l’influence d’une personne bienveillante joue souvent un rôle significatif sur leur décision de porter plainte, le choix de collaborer avec les intervenants judiciaires découle essentiellement de leur propre réflexion psychologique vis-à-vis de leur situation. En portant plainte, elles souhaitent généralement être délivrées de l’emprise du proxénète et être protégées par le système pénal afin d’avoir le temps nécessaire pour prendre des décisions quant à la réorganisation de leur vie. Pendant les procédures judiciaires, les jeunes femmes se disent pour la plupart anxieuses à l’idée de rendre témoignage. Leurs appréhensions sont essentiellement liées à la crainte de revoir le proxénète ainsi qu’à la peur de ne pas être crue par le juge. Les principales motivations qui poussent les interviewées à maintenir leur plainte sont le désir de démontrer au proxénète qu’il n’a plus d’emprise sur elles et de mettre un terme à cette expérience de vie. La représentation qu’elles se font du traitement reçu dans le cadre des procédures pénales est généralement positive pour peu que l’attitude des intervenants judiciaires à leur endroit ait été empreinte d’empathie et qu’elles aient été impliquées dans le dossier. Ainsi, qu’elles aient initié ou pas la démarche pénale, les jeunes femmes qui se sentent soutenues par les policiers et les intervenants judiciaires seront plus enclines à maintenir leur plainte jusqu’à la fin des procédures pénales. Suite à leur relation avec le proxénète, les jeunes femmes sont aux prises avec de multiples conséquences qui affectent différentes sphères de leur vie. Malgré leurs nombreuses séquelles psychologiques, physiques et sociales, peu sont celles qui s’impliquent jusqu'au bout d’une démarche thérapeutique. Plusieurs estiment ne pas être prêtes à se lancer dans une telle démarche, alors que d’autres ont l’impression que personne ne peut réellement les aider et préfèrent s’en remettre à leur résilience ou utiliser des moyens alternatifs pour passer au travers de cette épreuve de vie. Les jeunes femmes qui reçoivent l’aide de leurs proches et/ou d’organismes professionnels sont celles qui perçoivent le plus rapidement les effets bénéfiques de leur implication pénale. Il ressort de notre analyse que l’expérience pénale vient renforcer une autonomisation déjà amorcée par la jeune femme lors de la rupture avec le proxénète. Les impacts de l’implication pénale sont doubles : elle permet aux jeunes femmes d’augmenter l’estime qu’elles ont d’elles-mêmes, et de couper définitivement tous contacts avec le souteneur. Le système pénal comporte cependant des limites puisqu’il n’a aucun effet sur le contexte de vie des jeunes femmes et, par le fait même, sur leurs activités prostitutionnelles. Ainsi, bon nombre de jeunes femmes retournent dans leur milieu d’origine après la démarche pénale et doivent continuer à composer avec les conditions associées à leur mode de vie antérieur. Qui plus est, l’effet déstabilisant lié à l’expérience pénale a pour conséquence de retarder leur rétablissement psychologique et la réorganisation de leur existence. Celles qui arrivent à réorienter le plus rapidement leur vie sont les jeunes femmes qui reçoivent le soutien de leurs proches ainsi que celles qui n’entretenaient pas de relation amoureuse avec le proxénète. Mots-clés : proxénétisme, prostitution, système pénal, empowerment, stigmatisation. / The present study focuses on the experiences of the criminal justice system by a number of young women, all of whom have pressed charges or testified against a pimp. In carrying out our research, our objective was to understand the experiences of these young women during their relationship with the pimp, as well as gaining a better insight into their reasons and expectations when they turned to the criminal justice system. We also aimed to identify the effects such judicial experiences have had on their lives in general. In order to gather the young women’s perspectives and faithfully report the meaning they attribute to their experiences of criminal procedure, we carried out ten non-directive interviews with young women who had been through such an experience. First of all, our analysis shows that emotional fragility combined with a precarious financial situation constitute a risk factor of falling under the control of a pimp. Despite an existing vulnerability predisposing these women to become involved in an abusive relationship, the majority of such young women demonstrate an open-minded approach to the world of prostitution prior to meeting a pimp. Thus, their entrance into prostitution cannot be solely attributed to the influence of a pimp and seems rather to be the outcome of a combination of factors. At the beginning of the relationship, the pimp’s manipulation essentially aims to reinforce this interest in prostitution already present in several of the young women. In the case of those women who had never envisaged engaging in prostitution, a pre-existing affective dependence could lead them to be persuaded to follow this path. Whether the relationship with the pimp is professional or romantic, all the young women we met were quickly confronted with strategies of manipulation and were exposed to displays of violence aimed at subjugating them. The initial realisation of the abusive situation to which they are being subjected constitutes the key factor leading them to make the decision to leave their pimp and agree to cooperate with the police. Those who had a professional relationship with their pimp came to this decision before those in a romantic relationship with the pimp. This observation can be explained by the love which those who considered themselves to be in a romantic relationship felt for their pimp, which not only made them more vulnerable to his manipulation but also slowed all attempts to empower themselves against him. Turning to the police for help is not an obvious choice for all young women under a pimp’s control. While the influence of a caring person often plays a significant role in their decision to press charges, the decision to cooperate with criminal justice officials usually arises from their own psychological reflection concerning their situation. By pressing charges, they generally hope to get away from their pimp’s control and be protected by the legal system, giving them the necessary time to make decisions to turn their lives around. During the judicial procedure, most of these young women say they are anxious at the idea of testifying. Their apprehension is essentially linked with the fear of seeing the pimp again, along with fear of not being believed by the judge. The main reasons motivating interviewees to maintain their charges are the desire to show the pimp he no longer has any control over them and also to end this episode of their life. Their representations of the treatment they received during the criminal justice procedure are generally positive if legal officials have shown empathy towards them and if the women have been encouraged to be involved in the legal case. Thus, whether the women initiated the legal procedure themselves or not, those who feel supported by the police and criminal justice officials are more likely to maintain charges to the end of the legal procedure. Following their relationship with the pimp, the young women struggle with many consequences which affect different areas of their lives. Despite numerous psychological, physical and social repercussions, only a small minority ever follow through with a full course of therapy. Many feel they are not ready to undertake such measures, while others feel that nobody can really help them and prefer to rely on their own resilience or use alternative methods to get past this difficult experience. Those young women who receive help from their friends and family or professional organisations more rapidly perceive the beneficial effects of their involvement with the legal system. Our analysis finds that the experience of the legal system serves to reinforce a process of empowerment already initiated by a young woman when her relationship with her pimp ended. The impacts of the young women’s judicial involvement are twofold: it allows them to improve their self-esteem while also permanently cutting all contact with the pimp. However, the criminal justice system does have limits, as the experience has no impact on the young women’s life context nor, by this very fact, on their involvement in prostitution. Consequently, many young women return to their original environments once the criminal procedure is over and continue to face the conditions associated with their previous lifestyle. Moreover, the destabilizing effect associated with the judicial experience causes their psychological recovery and reorganisation of their lives to be delayed. Those who do manage to turn their lives around the fastest are those who receive support from people close to them and also those who were not in a romantic relationship with their pimp. Key words: pimping, prostitution, criminal justice system, empowerment, stigmatisation.

The objectives of this thesis were to observe how the Canadian youth justice system has dealt with the regulation of the transfer of young offenders to the adult court and how the Canadian statutes have regulated the imposition of adult offences for young offenders. For this, I drew a distinction between two levels of observation: first, I observed the process of "creation of statutes" by the political system. Second, I observed the process of "understanding and interpretation of statutes" by the judicial system. The notion of "political system" includes the legislation enacted by Parliament, parliamentary debates, and reports published by the Government of Canada. The notion of "judicial system" includes the decisions of the Montreal Youth Court. For the first level of observation ("creation of statutes"), I observed and analyzed the work of the political system for the period 1842 to 2012. Starting in 1857, many statutes regulated different aspects of the criminal law system as it applied to young people. The first statute to deal with youth offenders comprehensively and different from adult offenders was the Juvenile Delinquents Act (1908); this statute was replaced by the Young Offenders Act (1982). The current statute is the Youth Criminal Justice Act (2002). With regard to the Juvenile Delinquents Act (1908) and the Young Offenders Act (1982), I observed how the political system regulated the mechanism of transferring a young person to the adult court. This mechanism allowed the youth court to decide a question of jurisdiction: whether the young person would be processed and sentenced within the youth justice system, or whether the young person would be sent to the adult court for him to be dealt with and sentenced therein. With regard to the Youth Criminal Justice Act (2002), I observed how the political system has regulated the imposition of adult sentences by the youth court. This statute replaced the mechanism of transfer under the two previous statutes by the imposition of adult sentences within the youth justice system. For the second level of observation ("the understanding and interpretation of statutes"), I observed how the Montreal Youth Court had understood and interpreted the statutory provision that allowed the youth court to transfer a young person to the adult court for the young person to be dealt with and sentenced therein. My period of observation is from 1911 to 1995. I argue that both the political and the judicial systems have been strongly influenced by the theories of deterrence, denunciation, retribution, and rehabilitation. The influence that each theory has exercised on each system varies. The political system, originally focused on the rehabilitation of young people, has been slowly “contaminated” by the most punitive theories, such as deterrence and denunciation. This shift started in the 70’s and slowly increased over the years. Conversely, while the judicial system does not seem to have been originally influenced by the theories of rehabilitation, its focus has slowly shifted towards this objective as the primary goal of their intervention towards young offenders since the 70’s. However, the “successful rehabilitation” of a young person has become a goal in itself, where “unsuccessful offenders” have been transferred to the adult court and dealt with the adult punitive justice system.