[pt] Esta tese aborda o caráter qualitativo e processual das ações no âmbito do programa Cultura Viva/Ministério da Cultura, nas duas últimas gestões do governo federal brasileiro. O papel social no processo, enquanto participante-observadora, e o levantamento de informações por meio da pesquisa ilustram a capilaridade, a incidência, os limites e desafios do programa Cultura Viva, cuja principal ação foi constituída pelo Ponto de Cultura. O trabalho parte de pensamentos-movimentos que, desde o período do Modernismo, mobilizaram intelectuais, artistas e militantes brasileiros, fundamentando perspectivas culturais que antecederam o atual programa aqui analisado. Este foi igualmente pensado à luz dos conceitos de diversidade, interculturalidade crítica, relações de poder e experiência como contraponto ao risco da instrumentalização da cultura. Como um amplo e diversificado programa público de apoio e fomento a iniciativas culturais em quase todo o território nacional, o Cultura Viva foi também analisado por meio das experiências coletivas e criações nos Pontos de Cultura e dos Encontros Regionais e Nacionais dos Pontos de Cultura (TEIAS) bem como da constituição do Fórum dos Pontos do Estado do Rio de Janeiro e Espírito Santo enquanto importantes mobilizações políticas deste coletivo. A burocracia estatal na organização e financiamento das políticas culturais foi desafiada a abrir maiores possibilidades de acesso aos recursos públicos com vistas à concretização do direito à cultura. As disputas e interesses econômicos em torno do aparelho estatal foram tensionados neste período, configurando-se em um dos principais desafios enfrentados pelo Estado na viabilização da proposta do Cultura Viva. Os resultados apontam, entretanto, que as experiências culturais compartilhadas produzem movimento, inquietação e reflexão instituindo-se em ações coletivas que, de certa forma, reinventam a vida no enfrentamento das contradições e da desigualdade social. Além de colocar a cultura na pauta da discussão sobre a injusta distribuição de recursos públicos, o Programa Cultura Viva/MinC favoreceu a ampliação e pluralidade das manifestações artístico-culturais reconhecendo as potencialidades locais. Desenham-se assim, situações que explicitam conflitos e o possível enfrentamento, que podem levar à transformações nas relações com as autoridades e com o Estado, com vistas a ultrapassar as dimensões estritamente funcionais e integradoras das políticas públicas. / [en] This thesis focuses on a qualitative analysis of the processes undertaken by the federal program Cultura Viva in the last two presidential administrations (Ministry of Culture, Brazil). The social role played by the author in this process as participant, observer and as a researcher, allowed her to analyze the program s capacities as well as its limitations and challenges. The program was centered on the Pontos de Cultura (Points of Culture) or the loci of cultural activities. The work stemmed from the idea of thoughts and movements that mobilized intellectuals, artists and activists in Brazil since the Modernist period. This idea also served as a foundation from which certain cultural perspectives emerged. This foundation, which preceded the current program, was also analyzed using the concepts of diversity, intercultural criticism, power relations and experience as a counterpoint to the risk of the instrumentalization of culture. Cultura Viva is a large and diverse program that supports and promotes cultural initiatives. It is present in almost all the states of Brazil. Another aspect of the Cultura Viva program in the analysis was the collective experience based on the political mobilization generated by the Pontos de Cultura, the Regional and National Pontos de Cultura (TEIAS), and the Ponto de Cultura s Forum of the States of Rio de Janeiro and Espírito Santo. The bureaucratic nature of the way in which the state organized and financed cultural activities were challenged during the period under study to provide greater opportunities and increase access to public resources, thus guaranteeing the right to cultural expressions. Disputes and economic interests in the state apparatus became strained and became a major challenge facing the viability of the Cultura Viva program. However, results indicated that shared cultural experiences that produce movement, restlessness and reflection by establishing themselves through collective action somehow reinvent life by confronting contradictions and social inequality. The Cultura Viva program not only placed culture on the agenda against the unfair distribution of public resources, but also favored the expansion and diversity of artistic and cultural expressions while recognizing the potential of each locality. In sum, explicit conflicts and coping may lead to changes in the relations between various interests and the State, especially when the objective is to overcome strictly functional and integrative dimensions of public policy.

[pt] Esta tese reúne observações críticas sobre o samba como manifestação musical urbana e de massas, discute a atualidade de um gênero tradicionalmente afirmado como síntese da sonoridade nacional, e analisa a reconfiguração das composições musicais num contexto de globalização dos signos. Tendo em vista tais propósitos, debruçamo-nos sobre discursos que ainda hoje evocam a força simbólica do samba como meio de legitimar projetos políticos e consolidar modelos estéticos. Estas reflexões se corporificaram em três textos interconectados. O primeiro é dedicado ao estudo das políticas culturais de patrimônio imaterial que tomaram o samba como objeto a partir do ano de 2004. O segundo tece considerações sobre a vertente tradicionalista da crítica de música popular por meio da análise das obras de dois de seus principais expoentes, o historiador José Ramos Tinhorão e o pesquisador e compositor Nei Lopes. O último capítulo trata da reivindicação de um trajeto único para o desdobramento do samba por parte dos artistas mais conservadores, e dos desvios promovidos pelos novos modos de criação e circulação musical. / [en] This dissertation gathers critical observations about how samba, as an urban, massive musical manifestation, discusses the current state of a genre that is traditionally presented as the synthesis of national sound, and analyze the reconfiguration of musical compositions in a context of globalized signs. Taking that into consideration, we studied the discourses that still claim the symbolic force of samba as means to legitimate political projects and to consolidate aesthetic standards. These ideas are developed in three essays. The first one is dedicated to the study of cultural policies for the protection of immaterial cultural heritage that took samba as their focus since 2004. The second essay discusses the traditionalist branch of popular music criticism by analyzing the works of two of its main exponents: the historian José Ramos Tinhorão and the researcher and composer Nei Lopes. The last chapter discusses the claim of an exclusive line in the development of samba by more conservative artists, and the deviations promoted by new means of musical creation and circulation.

<p>Combining insights from critical discourse analysis (CDA) and neo-Gramscian IPE theory, this paper puts forth a cultural political economy (CPE) perspective to analyse the discursive articulation of ‘European subjects’ in the context of the EU’s Lisbon Agenda modernisation strategy. It is suggested here that the transformation proposed in Lisbon to the new economic imaginary of the knowledge based economy (KBE), depends on ‘new subjects’ and thus new discursive constructions of identities to reflect the new economic and social formations it envisions. The citizenship discourses of two of the Lisbon Agenda’s main supporters, specifically European business lobbies (represented by the ERT and LCEC) and the EU Commission, are examined in order to explore the relationship between citizenship rights and responsibilities and the two main goals of the Agenda, namely economic competitiveness/growth and social inclusion/social welfare protection modernisation. The argument is made that the discursive articulation of a ‘neoliberal communitarian’ variant of citizenship, especially evident in the discourses of the EU’s business lobbies and the EU Commission since the ‘shift’ to jobs and growth in early 2005, represents an attempt to further the commodification of the EU polity, and as a result, subordinate the more social goals of the Lisbon Agenda to the perceived imperatives of economic growth and competition. The Lisbon Agenda does not therefore mark a dramatic ‘turning point’ in favour of a more ‘social Europe’ as was speculated early on, but instead works to consolidate the dominance of ‘embedded neoliberalism’ as the socio-economic governance model for the EU. The paper ends with a discussion of the possible counter-hegemonic movements challenging the orthodoxy of embedded neoliberalism and neoliberal communitarian conceptions of citizenship.</p>

The principle of keeping culture at arm’s length from politicians has been a long-standing tradition in Swedish cultural politics but has recently become more of a salient political issue. Municipalities is one level of government that handles a large part of the public funding of cultural activities but has no constitutional protection implementing this principle, instead it is implemented through upheld local norms and individual politician respect for the principle. The purpose of this thesis is to examine a previously unstudied aspect in Swedish cultural governance. What types of microsteering strategies are used in governing local Cultural and Recreational Committees and how do public officials view those strategies. This is done through interviewing different Head Administrative Officers and Head of Department officials in Cultural and Recreational Committees in different municipalities and analysed through the analytical framework of microsteering, developed by Jacobsson, Pierre and Sundström.

[pt] A resistência às novas formas de apropriação do trabalho intelectual e a falência do sistema representativo para dar conta dessas mudanças são os problemas que estão postos à sociedade. A correlação das políticas culturais com o trabalho imaterial, na perspectiva negriana do poder constituinte, pretende investigar novos caminhos de resistência e de liberação. As políticas públicas relativas à cultura no Brasil têm dois momentos de intenso brilho: o período do Estado Novo da criação do Serviço do Patrimônio Histórico e Artístico Nacional (SPHAN), onde os modernistas puderam neutralizar a ameaça integralista e participar do processo revolucionário de criação de uma política pública cultural abrangente e universalista; e o período subsequente à Constituição Federal de 1988, que, de maneira ambígua, reabriu a possibilidade de se pensar em novas perspectivas para as políticas culturais. Com as garantias de cidadania e de acesso e fruição dos direitos culturais previstas constitucionalmente a partir de então, foi possível alargar o conceito de cultura e abrigar a noção de patrimônio imaterial. A partir do Ministério da Cultura (MinC) da gestão de Gilberto Gil, as noções de cultura e do papel do Estado transformaram-se radicalmente, culminando com a sistematização do Plano Nacional de Cultura (PNC). Esta dissertação quis expor os embates político-constitucionais relacionados às políticas públicas culturais e analisar as transformações do trabalho nas sociedades contemporâneas, mostrando a estreita relação desta nova forma trabalho com o trabalho desempenhado nas atividades culturais - uma vez que a tendência hegemônica do trabalho imaterial tornou-se realidade. / [en] The actual problems raised to any society are the resistance to new forms of appropriation of intellectual work and the bankruptcy of representative system to take care of these changes. The connection of cultural politics with immaterial labor on a Negrian`s perspective of constituent power intends to investigate new ways of resistance and liberation. Public politics related to the culture have two specific moments of intense brightness in Brazil: the period of the Estado Novo and the creation of the National Service of Historic and Artistic Patrimony (SPHAN), in which the modernists have been capable to neutralize the threat integralista and participate in a revolutionary process of creation of a comprehensive and universalist cultural public politic; and the later period of the Brazilian Constitution of 1988, that, in an ambiguous way, reopened the discussion about cultural politics. With citizenship garanties established and the access and fruition of cultural rights protected by the constitution from now on, it has been possible to enlarge the concept of culture and harbor the notion of immaterial patrimony. Notions such as culture and the role of the State have been dramatically changed since the first management of the minister Gilberto Gil at the Cultural Ministry (MinC), and the direct consequence is the organization of the National Plan of Culture (PNC). This dissertation intended to expose the political and constitutional impingements related to the cultural public politics and to analyse the transformations of the work at contemporary societies. As a direct consequence, we want to establish the narrow relation between this new form of work and the work performed at cultural activities, since immaterial labor tendency has become a reality.

[pt] Esta tese tem como objetivo conhecer e caracterizar o papel e a atuação da gestão pública no desenvolvimento de iniciativas de fomento à fruição cultural de estudantes na educação básica. Para o alcance dos objetivos definidos visando ao desenvolvimento da pesquisa, foram utilizados os seguintes recursos metodológicos: identificação dos equipamentos culturais administrados pela gestão pública de estados e capitais municipais brasileiras; levantamento de programas e projetos desenvolvidos pelas secretariais estaduais e municipais das capitais brasileiras, com ênfase em práticas que promovem alguma interlocução entre a educação básica e as manifestações artísticas e culturais; aplicação de questionário online a gestores dos equipamentos culturais públicos do município do Rio de Janeiro; e realização de entrevistas semiestruturadas com gestores públicos das Secretarias Municipais de Educação e de Cultura do Rio de Janeiro. Os resultados da pesquisa indicam que há nas capitais municipais expressiva oferta de equipamentos culturais sob a responsabilidade da administração pública, incluindo diversas modalidades de espaços especializados para as manifestações artísticas e culturais. Soma-se a isso, a existência de programas e projetos promovidos pela iniciativa pública em todo o território nacional que têm como intuito inserir as artes e a cultura nos currículos de educação básica. Ao identificar e caracterizar as ações promovidas pelas secretarias de educação e de cultura, concluiu-se que as áreas têm como enfoque pressupostos distintos, sendo o incentivo à produção artística a principal ênfase de atuação da educação, enquanto o fomento ao acesso à fruição se faz mais presente no contexto da gestão cultural quando em diálogo com a educação, fatores que indicam o potencial de integração e complementariedade entre os dois campos. Nesse sentido, entende-se que o fomento ao acesso de estudantes da educação básica à fruição deve ser uma iniciativa promovida, necessariamente, de forma integrada entre as gestões cultural e educacional, sobretudo ao considerar que ambas possuem responsabilidades, capacidades e mecanismos de implementação distintos e interdependentes. Dados obtidos na pesquisa realizada no município do Rio de Janeiro indicam que o fomento ao acesso de estudantes à fruição artística e cultural não se constitui como uma política pública, mas ocorre por meio de programas, em estágios mais avançados no caso dos museus, e através de projetos, aulas-passeio e outras ações pontuais articuladas de maneira direta entre os equipamentos culturais e as escolas. As entrevistas realizadas com gestores públicos demonstram que a ida de grupos escolares aos equipamentos culturais públicos da cidade, proporcionada pela escola, representa, em sua maioria, a primeira experiência de acesso à fruição para estudantes, sendo também comum que tais iniciativas se configurem como a primeira oportunidade de acesso para docentes. Por fim, a perenidade dos avanços atuais obtidos no campo da gestão cultural pública carioca, assim como a possibilidade de implementação de programas intersetoriais entre educação e cultura voltados à fruição cultural que sejam sistemáticos e duradouros, depende de fatores políticos, sendo necessária a adoção de medidas que defendam premissas democráticas e a continuidade de políticas e programas públicos. / [en] This thesis aims to understand and characterize the role and performance of public management in the development of initiatives to promote the cultural enjoyment of students in basic education. To achieve the objectives defined in the research project, the following methodological resources were used: identification of cultural facilities ran by governments at state-level and in capital cities in Brazil; survey of initiatives and projects developed by secretariats at the state-level and in capital cities countrywide, with an emphasis on practices that promote some dialogue between basic education and artistic and cultural manifestations; application of an online questionnaire to managers of public cultural facilities in the city of Rio de Janeiro; and conducting semi-structured interviews with public managers from the Municipal Departments of Education and Culture of Rio de Janeiro. The research results show that there is a big supply of government-owned cultural facilities in capital cities, including various types of spaces devoted to artistic and cultural events. Moreover, there are governmental initiatives and projects countrywide aimed to include arts and culture in basic education curricula. By identifying and characterizing the actions promoted by education and culture departments, it was concluded that these areas based their work on different assumptions, as education departments focus on artistic production, while public management rather promotes the access to enjoyment, especially when cultural management is at dialogue with education, which is a factor that show the potential for integration between the two fields. In this sense, one might argue that cultural and educational government departments must act in coordination to promote the access to enjoyment for students in primary school. This is of vital importance, especially considering that both areas have different scopes, capabilities and implementation mechanisms. Data obtained in this research, carried out in the city of Rio de Janeiro, indicates that promoting students access to artistic and cultural enjoyment does not constitute a public policy, but occurs through initiatives, which are at a more advanced stage in the case of museums, and through of ad-hoc projects, tour classes and other specific actions coordinated directly between cultural facilities and schools. The interviews carried out with public managers point out that the school groups visits to public cultural facilities, often represents the first experience of access to enjoyment for students, and it is also common for such initiatives to be the first opportunity for teachers too. Finally, the endurance of current progress achieved in the field of public cultural management in Rio, and the possibility of implementing intersectoral programs between educational and cultural departments, aimed at cultural enjoyment that are systematic and longlasting, depend on political factors. Thus, it is necessary to adopt actions that safeguard democratic tenets, as well as the continuity of public policies.

Since its inception in 1989, the private water sector of England and Wales has been enlisted as a centrepiece in debates concerning the merits of privatisation. Advocates point to increased environmental performance and increased investment. Critics note a significant retraction of the early free market aspirations and increasingly prescriptive regulation. However, market mechanisms and liberalisation are once again being emphasised in policy, reigniting the debate surrounding the commoditisation of water. This thesis engages directly and critically with Karen Bakker's 'Uncooperative Commodity' approach to the 'reregulation' of the industry, arguing its tenants must be adapted to accommodate these recent developments. While Bakker's earlier accounts of the reregulation of the water industry placed a great emphasis on the geography and biophysical properties of water, later work by both her and her contemporaries have developed more refined and socialised models of how water and society interact to produce temporary regularities in the material world. This thesis argues that an appropriate means of developing Bakker's original thesis would be a greater focus on socio-historical context when exploring the materiality of water, and hence the degree to which water may be transformed into a private commodity. Bob Jessop's Strategic Relational Approach (Jessop 2008) is deployed as a means of describing and relating: (1) the degree to which research can identify underlying mechanisms which govern the outcomes of attempts to commoditise water under capitalist modes of production, (2) the role of the state and politics in flanking or supporting the commoditisation of water and (3) the role of existing discursive-institutional structures in introducing path-dependencies and uneven power geometries which in turn effect the outcomes of collective action towards the commoditisation of water. The thesis documents historical developments in English and Welsh resource planning, regulation, and policy from 1945 to 2012 in order to explain the current structure of the industry, its response to water scarcity, and the origins of the current reform programme. It then focuses on the conflicts and tensions between actors in the industry generated by the current reform programme and their role in affecting the degree of success of the programme itself.

Cette thèse suit l’évolution et la transmission du concept de GND à travers le temps et l’espace via l’analyse des documents produits par les groupes GND de Grande Bretagne, d’Irlande et d’Irlande du Nord dans une perspective comparative. La thèse intègre des méthodes quantitatives et qualitatives, dont des entretiens semistructurés, l’analyse lexicométrique et une forme adaptée de l’Analyse Critique du Discours afin de répondre à la question suivante : « Comment les discours et les idéologies des 'Green New Deals' de l'Irlande, la Grande-Bretagne et l'Irlande du Nord peuvent-ils être compris en relation les uns aux autres et dans leurs contextes respectifs ? » La thèse explore l'influence des contextes et des groupes sur les discours et le contenu idéologique des textes Green New Deal, et avance l’argument que bien que les Green New Deals aient, à des degrés divers, le potentiel pour constituer la première étape d'une transition sur le long terme vers une économie politique juste et verte, ils se doivent de développer certains thèmes pour permettre à leur potentiel transformateur d’opérer, au lieu de renforcer les idéologies actuellement dominantes. / This thesis follows the evolution and transmission of the Green New Deal concept through time and space by examining the British, Irish and Northern Irish Green New Deal documents from a comparative perspective. It uses quantitative and qualitative methods including Corpus Linguistics, Critical Discourse Analysis and the collection of elite oral history interviews to respond to the guiding question, “How can the discourses and embedded ideologies of the Green New Deals of the Republic of Ireland, Great Britain and Northern Ireland be understood in relation to one another and their respective contexts?”. The thesis explores the influence of contexts and groups on the discourses and ideological contents of the Green New Deal texts, ultimately finding that though the Green New Deals have the potential to act as transitional documents in a move towards a just green political economy, further work must be done to develop key themes in the texts and ensure they realise their transformative potential rather than simply reinforcing currently dominant ideologies.

Combining insights from critical discourse analysis (CDA) and neo-Gramscian IPE theory, this paper puts forth a cultural political economy (CPE) perspective to analyse the discursive articulation of ‘European subjects’ in the context of the EU’s Lisbon Agenda modernisation strategy. It is suggested here that the transformation proposed in Lisbon to the new economic imaginary of the knowledge based economy (KBE), depends on ‘new subjects’ and thus new discursive constructions of identities to reflect the new economic and social formations it envisions. The citizenship discourses of two of the Lisbon Agenda’s main supporters, specifically European business lobbies (represented by the ERT and LCEC) and the EU Commission, are examined in order to explore the relationship between citizenship rights and responsibilities and the two main goals of the Agenda, namely economic competitiveness/growth and social inclusion/social welfare protection modernisation. The argument is made that the discursive articulation of a ‘neoliberal communitarian’ variant of citizenship, especially evident in the discourses of the EU’s business lobbies and the EU Commission since the ‘shift’ to jobs and growth in early 2005, represents an attempt to further the commodification of the EU polity, and as a result, subordinate the more social goals of the Lisbon Agenda to the perceived imperatives of economic growth and competition. The Lisbon Agenda does not therefore mark a dramatic ‘turning point’ in favour of a more ‘social Europe’ as was speculated early on, but instead works to consolidate the dominance of ‘embedded neoliberalism’ as the socio-economic governance model for the EU. The paper ends with a discussion of the possible counter-hegemonic movements challenging the orthodoxy of embedded neoliberalism and neoliberal communitarian conceptions of citizenship.

[pt] Este trabalho analisa a produção da Coleção Primeiros Passos, publicada pela editora Brasiliense no período da abertura democrática, no Brasil, entre os anos 1979 e 1985. Com a produção dessa Coleção a Brasiliense não só conquistou uma nova posição no campo editorial como criou um espaço de participação política relevante no processo democrático em construção. Destaca-se para a análise histórica o projeto político editorial de esquerda construído pela Brasiliense nesse momento. / [en] This work analyzes the production of Primeiros Passos, the book collection, edited by Brasiliense during the period of the Brazilian democratic opening process, from 1979 to 1985. With it, Brasiliense reached a new and important position on the publishing field and furthered an extremely relevant space for political discussion and participation alongside with the democratic process under construction by civil society. The leftist political publishing project built by Brasiliense is focused on here from a historical perspective.