This dissertation explores why Puerto Rico’s primary stakeholders’ participation in fisheries management is tokenistic at best. While participation discourses are present in Puerto Rico’s fisheries management, a parallel discourse about ‘overfishing’ and the ‘tragedy of the commons’ has created an irreconcilable gap between primary stakeholders and the management institutions. As part of this study I collected data in an arena where various key actors (commercial fishermen, recreational fishermen and agency experts) face each other in the consultation processes, i.e. scoping meetings and public hearings. These encounters proved to occur on an (un)common ground where participation in fisheries policy-making was nearly impossible due to: 1) knowledge conflicts between users and institutional experts/scientists, where each party claimed to possess a more reliable body of knowledge about the marine resource, and 2) a generalised distrust based on different conceptualisations about marine resources and different views of whom, how and why it should (or should not) be managed. I argue that the tensions between the actors involved have led to at least two mechanisms to give the fisheries management apparatus an appearance of stability: 1) the institutionalisation of ignorance and 2) the use of fisheries regulations as a ‘boundary object’ to align the actors, and to fix their identities and responsibilities. In short, participation praxis has been reduced to a minimum given the fissures between scientific knowledge and the primary stakeholders’ knowledge and between marine resource conservation and fishing activity. But above all, participation has been restricted because primary stakeholders distrust institutions that restrict small-scale/artisanal fishing while at the same endorsing construction development in vital coastal habitats. Such development, as understood by the fishermen, is against sound environmental management, given that it impacts negatively on essential ecosystems that are crucial to the fisheries well-being.The majority of the ethnographic research was done in a fishing community in Fajardo, Puerto Rico, over an eleven-month period. I collected qualitative data about commercial fishermen’s views on the marine resource and its management. I also documented how these fishermen negotiated ‘space to manoeuvre’ in the non-participatory environmental management scenario outlined above. The ‘greening’ of commercial fishermen’s discourses is a formidable example.Three months of ethnographic research were also conducted on nearby Culebra Island in an attempt to understand the Marine Protected Area (MPA) of El Canal Luis Peña (CLP) that is ‘marketed’ as a community-based natural reserve and a no-take zone. Although the MPA does not necessarily fulfil all the requirements to be considered a community-based environmental management programme, its creation was definitely a breakthrough in marine resource management participation processes when compared to the main island. Culebra’s MPA is an interesting and challenging case-study that not only contributes to the understanding of how environmental management and policy-making is done and transformed, but also contributes to the question of how, if at all, to put together the pieces when informants disagree.

Dans l’optique d’ajouter à la compréhension de la gentrification et en réponse aux développements récents au niveau de la théorisation, cette recherche analyse le rôle des gouvernements locaux dans la production du discours. Pour y arriver, nous utilisons une méthode tripartite qui situe la gentrification à Montréal, identifie et spatialise le discours de l’État local et analyse la perception sociale face à sa concrétisation. Nous expliquons que le lien de causalité entre la gentrification et l’exclusion doit être renversé lorsque le rôle de l’État local est considéré. Ainsi, le gouvernement local crée des catégories d’inclus et d’exclus en construisant un discours autour d’un idéal de développement urbain particulier et encourage par le fait même la gentrification. Ces résultats soulignent l’importance d’insérer la gentrification dans un processus de construction sociopolitique de l’espace urbain et non pas de la considérer simplement comme symptôme de la logique économique capitaliste contemporaine.

Situé au cœur de la capitale fédérale, Ottawa, le quartier de la Basse-Ville était originellement un bastion francophone. Au cours des cinquante dernières années, ce quartier a subi plusieurs changements qui se rapportent à ceux d'une gentrification. Entre autres, une nouvelle population, plus anglicisée, éduquée, occupant des professions à meilleur revenu s'y est installée. Cette étude cherche à voir si les francophones de la Basse-Ville Ouest d'Ottawa forment toujours une communauté et si oui, sur quels fondements elle se repose. À partir des résultats obtenus des soixante-sept personnes qui ont participé à notre enquête par questionnaire, l'analyse révèle qu'une communauté existe toujours, bien que les bases sur lesquelles elle est construite ont évolué. L'étude révèle aussi que certaines caractéristiques telles que l'identification linguistique, le statut de propriété et la durée de résidence jouent un rôle dans le degré d'appartenance à la communauté. Le passage de cet ancien village francophone à un quartier urbain n'a tout de même pas fait oublier à ses habitants l'héritage de la Basse-Ville.

Over the last decade gentrification has demanded a great deal of attention from urban scholars. In spite of this attention, the literature is characterized more by speculation than answers especially with regards to gentrification's consequences and planning implications. In response to this deficiency, this thesis sets out to determine the effects of gentrification on inner city neighbourhood public service demand. Because it is not clear how gentrification affects public service demand, urban policy makers are unable to plan for changes in demand. Knowing what will be demanded could facilitate efficient delivery of new services and efficient closure of costly underused services. Moreover, knowing what will be demanded may help decision makers arrive at better informed decisions. A case study area, Vancouver's Grandview Woodland, was chosen because it was able to provide a sample of gentrifiers and of traditional inner city residents. Forty one gentrifier and forty one traditional resident households were interviewed using a questionnaire designed to gather information about each group's demographics, satisfaction with street and traffic conditions, and their use of, satisfaction with, and attitudes toward neighbourhood public services. The attitudinal data indicate that gentrifiers value neighbourhood amenities such as parks, good street and traffic conditions, and other public services significantly more than the traditional residents do. This is expressed in their positive and negative perceptions of the neighbourhood's characteristics. There is also evidence that the gentrifiers are motivated to secure the public services they desire, for they feel that the services which they use are very important to their households. The behavioural data indicate that the gentrifiers present greater demands for parks, family centres, public health clinics, tennis and racquetball courts, and community centres. They only decrease demand for ethnic centres, and they maintain demand for other neighbourhood public services. / Applied Science, Faculty of / Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of / Graduate

À travers la longue et complexe odyssée que traverse l'artiste, depuis la culture grecque antique jusqu'à nous, son atelier se révèle bien plus qu'un espace de travail. S'il est l'endroit où sont réalisées les images religieuses et politiques qui permettent à l'artiste de se distinguer de l'artisan, l?atelier, installé à proximité des cours royales ou du Vatican, devient un indice certes artistique, mais surtout social de son inscription dans la ville et dans la société. L'expulsion des artistes académiciens de la Grande Galerie du Louvre, au début du XIXe siècle finit par libérer l'artiste de ses liens avec l'académie et contribue à l'inscrire différemment dans la ville. Contrainte de s'installer « en ville », l'élite artistique se regroupe dans les quartiers habités par la bourgeoisie d'affaires. Les grands travaux de transformation que le baron Haussmann impose à Paris, déplace les plus démunis de sa population dont les artistes non reconnus. Tandis que la capitale ne cesse d'attirer les artistes étrangers. À la fin du XIXe et au début du XXe siècle, Montmartre et Montparnasse, récemment rattachés à la capitale, concentrent la vie artistique dans des cités improvisées. Inspirée des initiatives philanthropiques menées à l'égard des ouvriers, la Ville de Paris construit à ses portes des logements sociaux destinées aux employés et aux ouvriers entre les deux guerres. La politique de solidarité s'étend aux peintres et aux sculpteurs et elle est renforcée par l'action que le ministère des Affaires Culturelles engage dans les années 1960 auprès des artistes. Cette politique manifeste l'action de l'État-providence en faveur des artistes. La construction d'ateliers-logements dans les nombreux programmes de logements sociaux participe à la rénovation de Paris et de sa banlieue. L'atelier-logement, impliqué dans la ville devient un support de reconnaissance sociale de l'artiste professionnel. / Throughout the long and complex odyssey the artist has been traversing from the times of Ancient Greece to the present day his studio has been much more than just a site for work. If for a certain time it had been the place where images for religious and political practices were created allowing the artist to distinguish himself from the craftsman, his studio, located in the proximity of the royal courts or of the Vatican, had become a token of artistic activity but above all of his membership as a citizen of the township and of the society. When in early 19th century the artists, members of the Academy, were expelled from the Grand Gallery of Louvre it signified for them a liberation of their ties with the Academy and opened a new way to be part of the urban milieu. As a consequence, the artists had to settle «in town« the elite of them choosing to find foothold in the neighbourhoods inhabited by the bourgeoisie of business activities. The less fortunate popular strata, including the unrecognized artists, had to move away from the massive transformations of the urban infrastructure imposed by baron Haussman on the city of Paris. At the same time, Paris continued to attract artists from abroad. At the end of the 19th and in the beginning of the 20th century, the newly attached Montmartre and Montparnasse became the favoured neighbourhoods gathering artists living in improvised quarters. Inspired by the philanthropic initiatives benefiting the working population, the City of Paris started constructing between the wars social lodgings for employees and workers at the city's gates. This activity marked by solidarity was extended to include also painters and sculptors. It received new momentum in the 1960's by the Ministry of Culture in form of the actions it undertook in favour of artists. These activities were a concrete expression of the policy of the welfare state promoting the artists. In the housing renovation programmes in Paris and the nearby suburbs the construction of residential studios for artists was included in numerous social housing projects. A residential studio in the urban context became a basis of recognition for the professional artist.

This MA thesis focuses on gentrification of Prague's Karlín district. It examines the issue through the optics of original residents and deals with the following questions: How do original residents perceive the change of their district? What is the impact of gentrification on their everyday lives? In order to answer these questions, qualitative research was used. The data was collected through interviews and participant and non-participant observation. The thesis provides an overview of leading theories of gentrification (such as Smith's Rent gap theory, Ley's consumer explanation theory, and Florida's creative class theory), which are applied to the obtained data. The theoretical chapter of the thesis summarizes these theories. This part also includes a brief history of the Karlín district and provides an overview of the existing research on Karlín's gentrification. The topics that appeared in the interviews with original residents form a structure of this chapter; these interviews are also quoted directly. Keywords: gentrification, Karlín, original residents, displacement

Demographic inversion- when city neighborhoods gentrify with influxes of more affluent, mostly white, residents while nearby suburbs increasingly see influxes of Families of Color- has been a powerful trend (re)shaping metropolitan area neighborhoods and schools for the past two decades (Ehrenhalt, 2012; Frey, 2018). The New York City (NYC) metropolitan area, where Latinx people make up over a quarter of the population, has provided one of the starkest examples of this trend. While gentrification increased across Latinx neighborhoods in the City, the share of Latinx people living in metropolitan suburbs almost doubled. Yet, despite the growing presence of Latinx communities across NYC’s metropolitan area, and the country, we know surprisingly little about how contemporary Latinx parents decide where to live or send their children to school- decisions that are contributing to broader demographic inversion in metropolitan areas across the country. Informed by existing research in the field, this study utilized a comparative case study (CCS) (Bartlett & Vavrus, 2017) design that relied on interview data from 54 middle-class Latinx parents in the New York City metropolitan area and critical discourse analyses (CDA) of public commentary and documents to expand the public discourse and research on Latinx communities and demographic inversion. More specifically, the study explored how middle-class Latinx parents decided whether to stay in gentrifying neighborhoods or migrate to nearby outer-ring metropolitan suburbs and how their perceived racial identities, class status, and beliefs about the schooling of their children shaped these decisions. In-depth, semi-structured interviews were conducted between Fall 2020 and Spring 2021 via Zoom with 28 parents who recently moved to outer-ring metropolitan suburbs from gentrifying City neighborhoods and 26 parents who still lived in gentrifying City neighborhoods at the time of their interview. Whether parents chose to stay put in gentrifying neighborhoods or leave to nearby suburbs, parents’ decisions about where to live and send their children to school were shaped by the broader context of gentrification and displacement in New York City and the social constraints that explicitly or implicitly informed their daily lives. Parents navigated racialized neighborhood change narratives; negotiated their racial, ethnic and class identities; and prioritized cultural ideologies about community and identity during their decision-making process. Furthermore, parents' experiences with gentrification and the factors they prioritized in the neighborhood and school choice process varied by their racial identities- whether they identified as white Latinx, Latinx/Puerto Rican/Dominican, or Black/Afro Latinx. Their racial identities shaped their understandings of the current costs of gentrification in the City context and whether they prioritized racial diversity in the neighborhood and school selection process in the suburbs. Above all else, however, the middle-class Latinx parents in this study aimed to stay put in the City neighborhoods they grew up in because of asset-based views they held about Latinx communities and yet, because of rising housing costs and cultural displacement, parents either left to the suburbs or stayed in precarious housing situations in the City. The findings from this study have implications for anti-displacement efforts taking place across gentrifying City neighborhoods in the United States, for how we address housing affordability from a regional perspective, and for how schools and local government can build on the asset-based perspectives of community and Latinx identity that echoed throughout parent interviews. Additionally, the varied experiences of Latinx parents in this study along the lines of racial identity and class have important implications for future research on Latinx communities in the United States that is more context-specific and engages with the specific experiences of the Latinx communities in that context to better inform more place-based policy interventions.

Thesis advisor: Juliet B. Schor / In this dissertation, I argue that questioning the relationship between technological change, specifically the new types of markets and practices enabled by the “sharing economy” and inequality has become an urgent need. While the sector promotes itself as the harbinger of egalitarian access to economic opportunity and consumption, independent studies of its operations and impacts point towards significant discriminatory dynamics favoring the already privileged. As the sector keeps growing, understanding its impact on inequality becomes ever more critical. I focus on one sharing economy platform, Airbnb, which facilitates the practice of “home-sharing,” or more accurately short-term rentals. I investigate the relationship between Airbnb and inequality in three papers that focus on how the deeply unequal urban settings where much of the economic activity on Airbnb takes place operate within the context of economic activity enabled by the platform. The analysis for all three papers is based on the data for more than 450,000 Airbnb listings and the demographic and economic characteristics of the neighborhoods they are located in. In the first paper, I look at how race determines the patterns of participation and outcomes for people who rent out their properties. I show that the economic opportunities generated by the platform are unequally distributed across the urban landscape. There are fewer listings in areas with higher concentrations of non-White residents, the listings that are located in these areas charge lower prices, and have lower earnings. The second paper investigates the relationship between the public reputation system on Airbnb and racial discrimination. I show that characterizing the reputation system as a racially neutral tool, which has the potential to reduce discriminatory outcomes, is highly problematic. Airbnb listings located in neighborhoods with higher percentages of non-White residents have a harder time generating reputation information when they first come on the platform and tend to have systematically lower ratings. The third paper focuses on how short-term rentals generates new dynamics of gentrification in cities, by providing evidence for a new type of “rent gap” between long-term and short-term rentals, and how property owners are exploiting it. I argue that short-term rentals, in the absence of further effective regulation from governments, are likely to drive increasing levels of gentrification as they remain highly profitable and occupy an increasing number of housing units. I believe that studying these aspects of the sharing economy contributes to a fuller understanding of technological change and its understudied interaction with inequality. Moving beyond the mostly theoretical and aggregated understanding of change inherent in the SBTC literature, my research promotes a more concrete and empirical engagement with change in line with some of the research on the “digital divide,” and the emergent literature on inequality on online platforms. Ultimately, I think such an engagement can serve as the basis for a broader theoretical reckoning with the increased pace of technological change as more and more of our social life is “disrupted” by technological interventions, with significant consequences. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2018. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Sociology.

When neighborhoods and cities fall in decline, cities and investors see an opportunity to turn the declining sites into profitable new projects, this happens all over the world in different renewal projects, or under the term gentrification. The outcome of gentrification can be considered to be both positive and negative, and the term is widely discussed in today's media. This study aims to get an understanding of how a small neighborhood in Cape Town called Bo-Kaap, that is famous for its rich culture and strong community, is affected by investors wanting to develop the neighborhood. With a problematic history of apartheid and oppression the threat of gentrification creates a new threat for the residents of Bo-Kaap. During the last couple of years the property prices in the neighborhood have increased dramatically resulting in a large flow of new residents. This has caused many locals to fear for the safety of the neighborhood as well as the fear of losing its strong community and their identity as a muslim neighborhood.

It has become common practice for cities to use neoliberal planning to improve the region’s economic growth and old industrial cities are using an additional cultural strategy to reinvigorate their city image. This is the case for Malmö which tries to renew itself from an old industrial city to a knowledge-based city by changing the built environment and using place branding. The change is made to attract innovation, companies and the desirable creative class. Malmö’s latest endeavor is to redevelop Rosengård, a part of the city notorious for its large immigrant population, its social inequality and its bad image.This study aims to compare culture worker’s perception of Rosengård to the image set by the urban planners in their planning documents. The culture workers are part of the so- called creative class and are favored by cities that believe this group will help to promote economic growth and contribute to the cities’ renewal.Malmö, like other cities, wants to change its image to be more alluring for desirable possible citizens, but if the city changes its image to something that is unrecognizable to its existing inhabitants Malmö risks not only to displace those inhabitants, but also to start an uprising.