This dissertation examines collaborations between the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC) and non-union elements of global civil society (GCS). GCS is presented as a crucial emergent site of transnational class formation, and ITUC collaborations within this field are treated as potentially important moments in transnational class formation. The goal of the dissertation is threefold. It seeks to 1) address the lacuna in GCS studies around the involvement of organized labour; 2) provide an analysis of what ITUC GCS collaborations mean for the remit and repertoire of action of the ITUC; and 3) provide an analysis of the impact of ITUC collaborations on transnational class formation. What the findings show is that the ITUC is heavily engaged in GCS through numerous collaborations with non-union organizations concerned with environmental degradation, human rights, global economic inequality, and women workers. Most significantly, collaboration within GCS has provided the ITUC an avenue to incorporate the needs of marginalized women workers whose work does not “fit” into the traditional model of trade union organizing. These findings lead to the conclusion that these collaborations have allowed the ITUC to expand the remit of its activities beyond “bread-and-butter” unionism, and expand its repertoire of action beyond interstate diplomacy. However, the findings do not support the idea that the ITUC has adopted a social movement framework, although it is clear that the ethos of social movement unionism has had an impact on the organization. Nonetheless, the dissertation concludes that the incorporation of marginalized women workers, and the active engagement of the ITUC in global environmental policy debates, signifies a new moment in transnational class formation. / Graduate / 0629 / 0703 / davidbhuxtable@gmail.com

O jornalismo transnacional (in. cross border journalism; es. periodismo transfronteirizo; din. journalistik over grænser) ganhou visibilidade nos anos 2010 a partir de séries como o OffshoreLeaks e o SwissLeaks, por estabelecer uma rede de investigação colaborativa entre equipes de diferentes países em torno de temas de relevância continental ou mundial, que normalmente envolvem estratagemas nas finanças internacionais com fins ilícitos. Tais séries jornalísticas são o ponto de partida desta tese, sendo contextualizadas com a renovação dos marcos do jornalismo profissional, que inclui o jornalismo pós-industrial (ANDERSON, BELL&SHIRKY, 2013), o qual coincide com uma \"improvável época de ouro do jornalismo investigativo\" (LEWIS, 2009). Procura-se, na presente pesquisa, mapear um território de pioneiros dessa prática de imprensa, que atrai jornalistas veteranos e interessa até às redações clássicas. A partir das constatações do crescimento dessa prática, esta tese procura refletir sobre essa tendência e identificar nela fundamentos de um método, ainda que não plenamente consolidado. E de tal método extrair elementos para um conceito, cuja prática expõe as assimetrias da globalização e se projeta numa \"sociedade civil global\" (IANNI, 1996; KALDOR, 2003). Praticado por jornalistas investigativos como David Kaplan e jornalistas-pesquisadoras como a dinamarquesa Brigitte Alfter (2015) e a chilena Florencia Melgar Hourcade (2015), o jornalismo transnacional se beneficia do saber acumulado pelo \"jornalismo de dados\" e pelo \"jornalismo sem fins lucrativos\", o que estimula uma cultura não competitiva entre redações, fortalece empreendimentos não corporativos e dá abertura a uma estimulante discussão sobre identidade profissional. No campo teórico, esta tese investiga se essa nova fronteira profissional da imprensa subsidia de fato a emergência de uma opinião pública global de caráter generalista na medida em que abre um horizonte multifacetado e plural para o conceito de objetividade jornalística (agora entendida como transparência), e na medida em que incorpora valores de uma \"ética de jornalismo global\" (WARD, 2005, 2008, 2010). / The cross border journalism (es. periodismo transfronteirizo; din. journalistik over grænser; pt. jornalismo transnacional) gained visibility in the years 2010 from series like OffshoreLeaks and SwissLeaks, by establishing a network of collaborative reporting between teams from different countries around issues of continental or global relevance, which usually involves stratagems in international finances for illicit purposes. These journalistic series are the starting point of this thesis, and they are contextualized with the renovation of the milestones of professional journalism, including the post-industrial journalism (ANDERSON, BELL & SHIRKY, 2013) and its coincidence with an \"unlikely golden era of investigative journalism\" (LEWIS, 2009). The research tries to report this territory of pioneers of this new practice from press, which attracts veteran journalists and interests even the classic newsrooms. From the factual findings, this thesis aims to reflect on this trend identifying foundations of a method, although not fully consolidated, and tries to extract therefrom the elements of a concept, and relating its practice to an emergent \"global civil society\" (IANNI, 1996; KALDOR, 2003) and exposing the asymmetries of globalization. Practiced by investigative journalists like David Kaplan and journalists-researchers as the Danish Brigitte Alfter (2015) and the Chilean Florencia Melgar Hourcade (2015), the transnational method takes benefit from the accumulated knowledge by the \"data journalism\" and the \"nonprofit journalism\" and can stimulates a non-competitive culture among newsrooms. This journalism strengthens non-corporate enterprises and gives opening to a stimulating discussion about professional identity. In theory, this thesis investigates if this new professional frontier of press subsidizes indeed the emergence of a global public opinion in a \"generalist\" character as it opens to journalistic field a multifaceted and plural horizon to objectivity (now understood as transparency), and as it incorporates values from a \"global journalism ethics\" (WARD, 2005, 2008, 2010).

To date, few scholars have addressed the internal dynamics of transnational advocacy networks (TANs) and their impact on the production of international norms. The lack of research on the topic seems rather surprising at a time when constructivists produce literature on the significance of global civil society and the role networks play in processes of recruitment and collective identity construction (Crugel 1999; Keck and Sikkink 1998; Boli and Thomas 1999; Anheier et al. 2001; Taylor and Rupp 2001; Keane 2003; Bob 2005). I cover this gap by looking at how power struggles between the international and the local members of a TAN shape the implementation of international norms in post-conflict settings. The purpose of the thesis is twofold: firstly to contribute to a broader literature on global civil society and secondly, to propose a new, more dynamic account on the life-cycle of international norms. The campaign for the implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security presents an ideal case study. First, it is one of the most successful stories of global norm creation and diffusion thanks to the advocacy efforts of non-state actors. Second, it also shows a case of policy gridlock, where the international efforts to bettering the situation of women in non-Western settings through an implicit liberal normative teleology have shown their limits by the socializee’s formal acceptance of the framework and informal resistance to the dominant norm. Based on extensive fieldwork, my approach combines feminist research methodology (Bar On 1993; Devault 1990; Pillow 2003; Taylor 2000), with the reflexive approach advocated by qualitative researchers in post-colonial and post-structuralist studies (Said 1978; Butler 1990; Escobar 1995). I conducted 60 semi-structured interviews with women activists during 4 field visits in Bujumbura (Burundi) and Monrovia (Liberia) between 2012 and 2013. Following discourse analysis theory (Shepherd 2008; Hansen 2006) and using NViVo8, the interviews were systematically analysed with regard to the reasons they put forward to explain their engagement in the women’s movement and the type of rights they sought to accomplish. The research is conducted through a relational approach in which the interactions of agents are affected by 1) a diversity of structural opportunities through three mechanisms: brokerage, gatekeeping and diffusion and, 2) a compound of ideas forming the master-frame. Those two, in turn, modify interests and identities, both understood as outputs and not as variables determining the interactions of agents. I show how a certain discourse on gender security became accepted as the master frame of the campaign, and how other discourses were left out. That is, I show how discourses created boundaries and identities amongst actors, and how these actors used their agency to stretch those boundaries and identities in order to steer other activists to move towards certain behaviour. Building upon my empirical findings, the thesis sets out a theoretical model of identity boundaries stretching and adaptation in order to analyse the discursive construction of identity and subjectivity as political action. It develops the concept of rebound effect, that is, the point where the ideational boundaries between the thrower of the boomerang (issue entrepreneur) and the receiver (issue follower) are so impervious that the boomerang bounces back and never reaches its destination. I found out that norms based on a liberal peacebuilding approach such as UNSCR1325 are created and maintained by a failure to engage with local and grassroots movements (Richmond 2013). This, in turn, contributes to a process of de-legitimization of NGOs and local associations who form the TAN vis-à-vis the affected population. My findings have important implications for international relation theories of global governance and global activism since they provided a critique of the mainstream norm’s cascade model by introducing new temporalities and geographies in the analysis of the life-cycle of international norms. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

D’essence interétatique, le droit international public semble fermer ses frontières à toute responsabilité des entreprises transnationales. Cette imperméabilité à la reconnaissance d’une responsabilité juridique per se des pouvoirs économiques globaux n’a cependant pas empêché l’ordre international d’être réactif et d’évoluer en douceur. Face à l’apparition de plusieurs scandales liés à de graves violations des droits de l’homme, notamment dans le cadre des chaînes d’approvisionnement globales, il n’était plus concevable pour l’opinion publique de laisser les entreprises transnationales profiter du vide juridique existant. D’un cafouillis normatif émerge une régulation globale fortement imprégnée par le mouvement de responsabilité sociale des entreprises (RSE). Cette institutionnalisation de la RSE s’appuie sur plusieurs instruments normatifs parmi lesquels les principes directeurs des organisations internationales occupent une place centrale. Ces principes ont vocation à guider les actions des entreprises indépendamment de leur localisation géographique par le biais d’une sorte de toile normative uniforme pour tout le globe. En revanche, la mise en œuvre de cette régulation globale de la RSE n’est possible que par les pressions des acteurs sociaux (société civile et marché) qui tendent à promouvoir la responsabilité des entreprises et facilitent ainsi la transformation de la nature de ses normes. Des normes d’origine privée tendent progressivement à devenir une valeur incontournable dans la gouvernance des chaînes d’approvisionnement globales. En intronisant la RSE dans les relations contractuelles, cette gouvernance signerait l’avènement de nouvelles formulations de la RSE. Cette normativité nouvelle et innovante entend dès lors combler l’espace normatif inoccupé par les États. / Destined, in essence, to regulate interstate relations, public international law seems closed to the idea of recognizing liability of transnational corporations. However, this imperviousness to recognizing legal responsibility per se of global economic powers has not prevented a soft evolution of the international order. Following several scandals related to violations of human rights, some in the context of global supply chains, civil society could no longer allow transnational companies to take advantage of the existing legal vacuum. As a result, a global regulation strongly influenced by the trend of corporate social responsibility (CSR) emerged from a normative muddle. This institutionalization of CSR is based on several instruments, including guiding principles on Business and Human Rights which occupy a central position in this regulatory trend. It is intended that these principles will apply as a uniform, global normative canvas. Therefore, they should guide actions of companies regardless of their geographic location. The implementation of this CSR global framework is possible due to substantial pressure exerted by non-governmental actors, such as civil society and the market. These actors seek to promote CSR and facilitate the transformation of this regulation. Particularly, private standards are playing an increasingly important role in the governance of global supply chains. By establishing CSR in contractual relations, this governance would mark the advent of new regulatory tools which seek to fill in the public law gaps.

[pt] A democracia é um conceito em constante disputa que se reconstrói em torno das relações de poder fundadas com base no poder enraizado de suas instituições. Isto é, a força e a estabilidade da democracia e suas instituições dependem de sua vigência na mente das pessoas (Castells, 2018). Rompido o vínculo subjetivo entre o que os cidadãos pensam e querem e as ações daqueles que os representam, produz-se o que denominamos crise de legitimidade política. Se nos anos 1990 e primeira década dos 2000 há uma confluência nas discussões sobre Sociedade Civil Global e Governança global que apontavam na direção de que a atuação da sociedade Civil Global ampliaria a democracia, aqui propomos um passo crítico a essa abordagem a partir da discussão sobre Capitalismo de Vigilância. Assim, o presente trabalho tem o objetivo de contribuir para a discussão sobre crise da democracia, especificamente contestando a ideia de que a atuação da sociedade civil global levaria necessariamente a ampliação da democracia. Sob essa égide, observamos aspectos que eram base para a utopia da sociedade civil global foram colocados em cheque à medida que a tensão existente entre a horizontalidade da rede e as políticas de controle, vigilância e datificação da realidade foram reveladas. Diante dessa controvérsia, aqui pretendemos explorar o como a atuação da Sociedade Civil tensionou a democracia no século XXI explorando possibilidades de atuação e limites impostos pela disseminação das Tecnologias da Informação e Comunicação no Capitalismo de Vigilância. / [en] Democracy is a concept in constant dispute which is founded on the basis of its institutions. The strength and stability of democracy and its institutions depend on its validity in people s minds (Castells, 2018). Once the subjective link between what citizens think and want and the actions of those who represent them is broken the legitimacy of the system can be questioned. In the 1990s and the in first decade of the 2000s there was a confluence between the discussions on Global Civil Society and Global Governance that pointed in the direction of the expansion of democracy through the Global Civil Society. Conversely, here we propose to give a critical step using the discussion on Surveillance Capitalism. Thus, this work aims to contribute to the discussion on the crises of democracy, specifically challenging the idea that the role of global civil society leads necessarily to the expansion of democracy. We observe how aspects that were the basis for the global civil society utopia were put in check by the tension existing between the horizontality of the network-society and the policies of control and surveillance. In the face of this controversy, we explore how the workings of Civil Society have tensioned democracy in the 21st century. We also explore possibilities of action and limits imposed by the dissemination of Information and Communication Technologies whiting the context of Surveillance Capitalism.